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Jeffrey Herf, a leading scholar in the field, offers the most extensive examination to date of Nazi propaganda activities targeting Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East during World War II and the Holocaust. He draws extensively on previously unused and little-known archival resources, including the shocking transcriptions of the \"Axis Broadcasts in Arabic\" radio programs, which convey a strongly anti-Semitic message. Herf explores the intellectual, political, and cultural context in which German and European radical anti-Semitism was found to resonate with similar views rooted in a selective appropriation of the traditions of Islam. Pro-Nazi Arab exiles in wartime Berlin, including Haj el-Husseini and Rashid el-Kilani, collaborated with the Nazis in constructing their Middle East propaganda campaign. By integrating the political and military history of the war in the Middle East with the intellectual and cultural dimensions of the propagandistic diffusion of Nazi ideology, Herf offers the most thorough examination to date of this important chapter in the history of World War II. Importantly, he also shows how the anti-Semitism promoted by the Nazi propaganda effort contributed to the anti-Semitism exhibited by adherents of radical forms of Islam in the Middle East today.

Shared Land/Conflicting Identity: Trajectories of Israeli and Palestinian Symbol Useargues that rhetoric, ideology, and myth have played key roles in influencing the development of the 100-year conflict between first the Zionist settlers and the current Israeli people and the Palestinian residents in what is now Israel. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is usually treated as an issue of land and water. While these elements are the core of the conflict, they are heavily influenced by the symbols used by both peoples to describe, understand, and persuade each other. The authors argue that symbolic practices deeply influenced the Oslo Accords, and that the breakthrough in the peace process that led to Oslo could not have occurred without a breakthrough in communication styles.Rowland and Frank develop four crucial ideas on social development: the roles of rhetoric, ideology, and myth; the influence of symbolic factors; specific symbolic factors that played a key role in peace negotiations; and the identification and value of criteria for evaluating symbolic practices in any society.

During World War II and the Holocaust, the Nazi regime engaged in an intensive effort to appeal to Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East and North Africa. It did so by presenting the Nazi regime as a champion of secular anti-imperialism, especially against Britain, as well as by a selective appropriation and reception of the traditions of Islam in ways that suggested their compatibility with the ideology of National Socialism. This article and the larger project from which it comes draw on recent archival findings that make it possible to expand on the knowledge of Nazi Germany's efforts in this region that has already been presented in a substantial scholarship. This essay pushes the history of Nazism beyond its Eurocentric limits while pointing to the European dimensions of Arabic and Islamic radicalism of the mid-twentieth century. On shortwave radio and in printed items distributed in the millions, Nazi Germany's Arabic language propaganda leapt across the seemingly insurmountable barriers created by its own ideology of Aryan racial superiority. From fall 1939 to March 1945, the Nazi regime broadcast shortwave Arabic programs to the Middle East and North Africa seven days and nights a week. Though the broadcasts were well known at the time, the preponderance of its print and radio propaganda has not previously been documented and examined nor has it entered into the intellectual, cultural, and political history of the Nazi regime during World War II and the Holocaust. In light of new archival findings, we are now able to present a full picture of the wartime propaganda barrage in the course of which officials of the Nazi regime worked with pro-Nazi Arab exiles in Berlin to adapt general propaganda themes aimed at its German and European audiences to the religious traditions of Islam and the regional and local political realities of the Middle East and North Africa. This adaptation was the product of a political and ideological collaboration between officials of the Nazi regime, especially in its Foreign Ministry but also of its intelligence services, the Propaganda Ministry, and the SS on the one hand, and pro-Nazi Arab exiles in wartime Berlin on the other. It drew on a confluence of perceived shared political interests and ideological passions, as well as on a cultural fusion, borrowing and interacting between Nazi ideology and certain strains of Arab nationalism and Islamic religious traditions. It was an important chapter in the political, intellectual, and cultural history of Nazism during World War II and comprises a chapter in the history of radical Islamist ideology and politics.

Millions of children living in the Islamic State have no childhood. They witness senseless violence as part of their daily lives and are targeted by ISIS for recruitment. This study examines the appeals ISIS uses to recruit children. Based on the content analysis of 22 child propaganda videos produced by ISIS and interviews with 60 Syrian parents and children, results show that 12 frames revealed six stages of a child’s involvement in terrorism. The 12 frames also show how children are socialized into becoming a member of the terror group. The research found that children join ISIS mainly for survival and they are given a new identity when they join the Islamic State. Framing theory explains how ISIS sets the agenda and frames the child propaganda videos, while Fishers’ narrative paradigm furnishes the theoretical grounds for understanding ISIS’ narrative in their propaganda videos. Study results illuminate how the narrative of the glorification of heaven attracts potential martyrs as well as how families form a key part of the narratives used to recruit children.

The Holocaust has become increasingly important in international historical culture, and the murder of six million Jews during the Second World War is arguably the ultimate symbol of evil in Western politics, culture and academia. This fact has had its consequences in the Arab world as well, even though the effects there have been significantly different than in the West. Traditional Arab public discourse has a history of feelings of superiority vis-à-vis the Jews, largely based on Muslim theology. The creation of the State of Israel and its repeated victories over Arab armies have kindled political resentment partly based in this tradition, which in turn has made it virtually impossible to assimilate the dominant Western understanding of the Holocaust into Arab public discourse. Instead, Arab public discourse on the Holocaust is highly politicized and almost always displays hostility toward Israel or Jews. Even though the Arab-Israeli conflict is a major motif in this hostile discourse, there is no saying whether a settling of the conflict would open Arab public discourse to the international understanding of the Holocaust and its universal messages of tolerance and anti-racism.

تناقش هذه الدراسة تمثيل المكان وعملية إنتاجه في الملصقات الصهيونية منذ بدايات الهجرة الصهيونية وعمليات الاستيطان في فلسطين، وتتطرق إلى ثمانية ملصقات صهيونية، معظمها يصور مشهداً طبيعياً (Landscape) فضلاً عن ملصقين يصوران خرائط جغرافية للمكان. وتحلل الدراسة العناصر والرموز المستخدمة في هذه الملصقات وعلاقاتها بعضها ببعض، ودلالاتها في الأيديولوجيا الصهيونية، وكيفية توظيفها كخطاب صهيوني بصري يقصي الفلسطيني مباشرة ورمزياً من المشهد.

Rather than being a strategic benefit, US support for Israel in its current form comes at a net cost to America. And none of the limited benefits the US may accrue from this relationship require that they support it unconditionally. A more balanced and reciprocal arrangement, as they have with all other nations, would serve both US and Israeli interests. By prioritizing their national interest and curbing the worst impulses of Israel's extreme right, the US would cut diplomatic, military and economic costs to themselves, save thousands of Palestinian lives, and also substantively and strategically advance Israel's own goal for its people to live in peace within the broader Middle East. That would be a loss for AIPAC's propaganda and political machine, but for Palestinians, Israelis and Americans, it would deliver, finally, a strategic benefit that is real.

This essay explores Palestinian Arab knowledge production on Zionism. It focuses on the life of Ribhi Kamal (1912–79), a Palestinian scholar of Semitic languages who grew up in Jerusalem and excelled in modern Hebrew. During the 1948 War, Kamal was exiled to Damascus, where he repurposed his expertise in the service of the Syrian state. Kamal became the host of Radio Damascus’s Hebrew-language broadcast, a propaganda program that called on Jewish Israelis to resist Zionism and return to their “true” home countries. Kamal’s biography and work on Radio Damascus raise several broader questions. What led Arab intellectuals to study Hebrew in the early twentieth century? How did Palestinians employ their pre-1948 knowledge of Hebrew and Zionism in the service of post-1948 Arab governments? And how did Arab governments use radio as a tool of anticolonial propaganda?

The film reveals the hidden story of Beit HaShidur (The Broadcast House), Israel's Arabic-language radio station. Established alongside the State, it served as a key tool for intelligence gathering and psychological warfare against Arab countries in the 1940s–60s. While publicly broadcasting music and news, it secretly pushed propaganda, activated agents via coded messages, and aimed to sway Arab public opinion. The broadcasts soon became a feared force in the region, and rival stations dubbed its presenters \"The Israeli Broadcast House's Propaganda Orchestra.\"