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Despite the changing demographics of the nation and a growing appreciation for diversity and inclusion as drivers of excellence in science, engineering, and medicine, Black Americans are severely underrepresented in these fields. Racism and bias are significant reasons for this disparity, with detrimental implications on individuals, health care organizations, and the nation as a whole. The Roundtable on Black Men and Black Women in Science, Engineering, and Medicine was launched at the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine in 2019 to identify key levers, drivers, and disruptors in government, industry, health care, and higher education where actions can have the most impact on increasing the participation of Black men and Black women in science, medicine, and engineering. On April 16, 2020, the Roundtable convened a workshop to explore the context for their work; to surface key issues and questions that the Roundtable should address in its initial phase; and to reach key stakeholders and constituents. This proceedings provides a record of the workshop.

Why have American policies failed to reduce the racial inequalities still pervasive throughout the nation? Has President Barack Obama defined new political approaches to race that might spur unity and progress? Still a House Divided examines the enduring divisions of American racial politics and how these conflicts have been shaped by distinct political alliances and their competing race policies. Combining deep historical knowledge with a detailed exploration of such issues as housing, employment, criminal justice, multiracial census categories, immigration, voting in majority-minority districts, and school vouchers, Desmond King and Rogers Smith assess the significance of President Obama's election to the White House and the prospects for achieving constructive racial policies for America's future.

Systemic racism leads to racial/ethnic residential segregation, which can result in health inequities. We examined if the associations between residential segregation and later-life cognition and dementia differed based on segregation measure and by participant race/ethnicity. Tests of memory (n = 4616), language (n = 4333), visuospatial abilities (n = 4557), and incident dementia (n = 4556) were analyzed in older residents of Northern Manhattan, New York (mean age: 75.7 years). Segregation was measured at the block group-level using three indices: dissimilarity, isolation, and interaction. We fit multilevel linear or Cox proportional hazards models and included a race/ethnicity × segregation term to test for differential associations, adjusting for socioeconomic and health factors. Living in block groups with higher proportions of minoritized people was associated with −0.05 SD lower language scores. Living in block groups with higher potential contact between racial/ethnic groups was associated with 0.06–0.1 SD higher language scores. The findings were less pronounced for other cognitive domains and for incident dementia. Non-Hispanic Black adults were most likely to experience negative effects of neighborhood segregation on cognition (language and memory) and dementia. All indices partly capture downstream effects of structural racism (i.e., unequal distributions of wealth/resources) on cognition. Therefore, desegregation and equitable access to resources have the potential to improve later-life cognitive health.

Racial residential segregation has been deemed a fundamental cause of health inequities. It is a result of historical and contemporary policies such as redlining that have created a geographic separation of races and corresponds with an inequitable distribution of health-promoting resources. Redlining and racial residential segregation may have contributed to racial inequities in COVID-19 vaccine administration in the early stages of public accessibility. We use data from the National Archives (historical redlining), Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (contemporary redlining), American Community Survey from 1940 (historical racial residential segregation) and 2015–2019 (contemporary racial residential segregation), and Washington D.C. government (COVID-19 vaccination administration) to assess the relationships between redlining, racial residential segregation, and COVID-19 vaccine administration during the early stages of vaccine distribution when a tiered system was in place due to limited supply. Pearson correlation was used to assess whether redlining and racial segregation, measured both historically and contemporarily, were correlated with each other in Washington D.C. Subsequently, linear regression was used to assess whether each of these measures associate with COVID-19 vaccine administration. In both historical and contemporary analyses, there was a positive correlation between redlining and racial residential segregation. Further, redlining and racial residential segregation were each positively associated with administration of the novel COVID-19 vaccine. This study highlights the ongoing ways in which redlining and segregation contribute to racial health inequities. Eliminating racial health inequities in American society requires addressing the root causes that affect access to health-promoting resources.

Racial and racialized economic residential segregation has been empirically associated with outcomes across multiple health conditions but not yet explored in relation to out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA). We sought to examine if measures of racial and economic residential segregation are associated with differences in survival to discharge after OHCA for Black and White Medicare beneficiaries. Utilizing age-eligible Medicare fee-for-service claims data from 2013 to 2015, we identified OHCA claims and determined survival to discharge. The primary predictor, residential segregation, was calculated using the index of concentration at the extremes (ICE) for the beneficiary residential ZIP code. Multilevel modified Poisson regression models were used to determine the association of OHCA outcomes and ZIP code level ICE measures. In total, 194,263 OHCA cases were identified among beneficiaries residing in 75% of US ZIP codes. Black beneficiaries exhibited 12.1% survival to discharge, compared with 12.5% of White beneficiaries. In fully adjusted models of the three ICE measures accounting for differences in treating hospital characteristics, there was as high as a 28% (RR 1.28, CI 1.23–1.26) higher relative likelihood of survival to discharge in the most segregated White ZIP codes (Q5) as compared to the most segregated Black ZIP codes (Q1). Racial residential segregation is independently associated with disparities in OHCA outcomes; among Medicare beneficiaries who generated a claim after suffering an OHCA, ICE measures of racial segregation are associated with a lower likelihood of survival to discharge for those living in the most segregated Black and lower income quintiles compared to higher quintiles.

Although racism is increasingly being studied as an important contributor to racial health disparities, its relation to cancer-related outcomes among African Americans remains unclear. The purpose of this study was to help clarify the relation between two indicators of racism—perceived racial discrimination and racial residential segregation—and cancer screening. We conducted a multilevel, longitudinal study among a medically underserved population of African Americans in Texas. We assessed discrimination using the Experiences of Discrimination Scale and segregation using the Location Quotient for Racial Residential Segregation. The outcome examined was “any cancer screening completion” (Pap test, mammography, and/or colorectal cancer screening) at follow-up (3–10 months post-baseline). We tested hypothesized relations using multilevel logistic regression. We also conducted interaction and stratified analyses to explore whether discrimination modified the relation between segregation and screening completion. We found a significant positive relation between discrimination and screening and a non-significant negative relation between segregation and screening. Preliminary evidence suggests that discrimination modifies the relation between segregation and screening. Racism has a nuanced association with cancer screening among African Americans. Perceived racial discrimination and racial residential segregation should be considered jointly, rather than independently, to better understand their influence on cancer screening behavior.

Black immigrants are a growing proportion of the Black population in the USA, and despite the fact that they now comprise nearly a quarter of Black urban residents, few studies address the relationships between racial segregation and maternal and birth outcomes among Black immigrants. In this study of birth outcomes among US-born and immigrant Black mothers in New York City between 2010 and 2014, we applied multilevel models, assessing the association between segregation (measured through a novel kernel-based measure of local segregation) and adverse birth outcomes (preterm birth (PTB) and low birth weight (LBW; < 2500 g)) among African-born, Caribbean-born, and US-born Black mothers. We found that African-born and Caribbean/Latin American–born Black mothers had a significantly lower incidence of PTB compared with US-born Black mothers (7.0 and 10.1, respectively, compared with 11.2 for US-born mothers). We also found disparities in the incidence of infant LBW by nativity, with the highest incidence among infants born to US-born mothers (10.9), compared with African-born (6.9) and Caribbean-born mothers (9.0). After adjusting for maternal (maternal age; higher rates of reported drug use and smoking) and contextual characteristics (neighborhood SES; green space access), we found that maternal residence in an area with high Black segregation increases the likelihood of PTB and LBW among US-born and Caribbean-born Black mothers. In contrast, the association between segregation and birth outcomes was insignificant for African-born mothers. Associations between tract-level socioeconomic disadvantage and birth outcomes also varied across groups, with only US-born Black mothers showing the expected positive association with risk of PTB and LBW.

How are patterns of segregation related to families’ engagement in public-school choice policies across U.S. metropolitan areas? This article examines how segregation in urban public schools and the spatial mismatch between school-age children and relatively high-performing schools relate to the shares of Black, Hispanic, and White students enrolled in charter schools, one particular school choice mechanism. Drawing on Core-Based Statistical Area–level data, I find that charter-school enrollment among Black students is positively associated with spatial mismatch. As the degree of geographic imbalance between Black and, to a lesser extent, Hispanic school-age children and high-performing schools increases, so too does the share of Black and Hispanic students who enroll in charter schools. There is no such relationship for White students, whose enrollment in charter schools is higher when school segregation is relatively low—that is, when they would be more likely to attend neighborhood public schools with Black children.

Black women face an unequal opportunity to survive breast cancer compared with White women. One would expect that US metropolitan areas with high percentages of Black people should report similar racial disparities in breast health. Yet, this is not the case. To provide insights about breast cancer disparities in cities with above-average and below-average racial disparities, we use GIS analysis. We depict racial composition and income categories on the same map with mammography facility locations to distinguish unique patterns of mammography access, a critical resource for breast cancer care. Looking more closely at low health disparities cities, a general and consistent pattern arises. Both White and Black people are concentrated in middle-income neighborhoods. Further, MQSA-certified facilities are not clustered in affluent areas but tend to be centrally located in the middle of the city or highly dispersed across the city, regardless of income. Our findings are consistent with the hypothesis that metropolitan areas that have a preponderance of racially segregated low-income Black households—a characteristic of neighborhoods that have experienced a history of racism and disinvestment—are more likely to experience disparities in access to primary breast care than middle-income Black, middle-income White, or high-income White neighborhoods.

We argue that the relative persistence of racial segregation is due, at least in part, to the process of residential search and the perceptions upon which those searches are based—a critical but often-ignored component of the residential sorting process. We examine where Chicago-area residents would \"seriously consider\" and \"never consider\" living, finding that community attraction and avoidance are highly racialized. Race most clearly shapes the residential perceptions and preferences of whites, and matters the least to blacks. Latinos would seriously consider moving to numerous neighborhoods, but controls for demographics and distance from the respondents' home make Latino preferences much like those of whites. Critically, the geography of existing segregation begets further segregation: distance from current community significantly affects perceptions of the communities into which respondents might move. While neighborhood perception may cause persistent segregation, it may also offer hope for integration with appropriate policy interventions.