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In this essay the author assesses the relevance of scholarship on racial capitalism for sociological theory. The author highlights three tensions within the existing literature: (1) whether “race” as opposed to other forms of difference is the primary mode of differentiation in capitalism, (2) whether deficiencies in existing theory warrant the new concept “racial capitalism,” and (3) whether the connection between race and capitalism is a contingent or logical necessity. Existing discussions of racial capitalism implicitly or explicitly raise these tensions, but they do not adequately resolve them. Nonetheless, they remain important for generating further theory and research.

The report found that on average Blacks had a $150 higher security deposit than Whites. About 93 percent of renters of color had to pay a security deposit last year, while 85 percent of white renters had to post a security deposit.

BackgroundAddressing racial differences in care delivery is one of the current challenges in the diagnosis and treatment of patients with Heart Failure (HF). Compared to Caucasians, patients from minority racial groups with HF and reduced Ejection Fraction (HFrEF) are less likely to receive evidence-based, medical, device or advanced therapies. However, there is a lack of contemporary, nationwide data on racial differences in in-hospital quality of care and long-term outcomes for patients with HFrEF. This analysis aims to investigate racial disparities in the quality of care and long-term outcomes of patients with HFrEF in the UKMethodsWe used linked, routinely collected data from 3 large national UK registries (the National Heart Failure Audit, Hospital Episode Statistics, and the Office for National Statistics) from 2020 to 2022 to investigate care and outcomes for patients with HF. We compared clinical characteristics and long-term events of interest according to self-reported race. A multivariable Cox proportional hazard model was performed adjusting for age, sex, comorbidity profile and clinical characteristics at admission.ResultsA total of 59,727 patients with HFrEF were analysed. At admission, white patients were generally older compared to other ethnicities (79 years [IQR 69;86] for white, 67 years [IQR 56;82] for black, 73 years [IQR 63;82] for Asians, 76 years [IQR 64;85] for mixed race and 73 years [IQR 60;83] for other races, p<0.001). Overall, approximately two-thirds of patients were men (64%, n=38,432), 78% (n=44,425) were admitted in NYHA class III or IV, and approximately half of the patients (49%, n=27,731) presented with moderate to severe peripheral oedema, without clinically meaningful differences between races. In-hospital care was similar between races, as were rates of guideline-recommended medications at discharge (70%, n=36,913 for renin-angiotensin-aldosterone system inhibitors; 84%, n=44,611 for beta-blockers; 52%, n=24,105 for mineralocorticoid receptor antagonists; 88%, n=44611 for diuretics). Over a median follow-up of 71 weeks [IQR 23;146], in an unadjusted analysis, mortality was higher for white patients compared to other races (p<0.001, Figure 1). However, on multivariable analysis, white race was not an independent predictor of adverse outcomes (HR 1.07; 95% CI 0.93 – 1.24; p=0.30).ConclusionFor patients hospitalised with HFrEF in England & Wales, in-hospital quality of care and the percentage of patients discharged on guideline-recommended medications are similar amongst different races. Although post-discharge mortality was higher for white patients, after adjustment, white race was not an independent predictor of adverse events.Abstract 131 Figure 1Race differences in HFrEFConflict of Interestnone

Many scholars and activists assume the public would be motivated to fight inequality if only they knew the full extent of existing disparities. Ironically, exposure to extreme disparities can cause people to become more, not less, supportive of the very policies that create those disparities (Hetey & Eberhardt, 2014). Here, we focus on the criminal justice system—policing and incarceration in particular. We argue that bringing to mind racial disparities in this domain can trigger fear and stereotypic associations linking Blacks with crime. Therefore, rather than extending an invitation to reexamine the criminal justice system, the statistics about disparities may instead provide an opportunity to justify and rationalize the disparities found within that system. With the goals of spurring future research and mitigating this paradoxical and unintended effect, we propose three potential strategies for more effectively presenting information about racial disparities: (a) offer context, (b) challenge associations, and (c) highlight institutions.

This article presents what we term a raciolinguistic perspective, which theorizes the historical and contemporary co-naturalization of language and race. Rather than taking for granted existing categories for parsing and classifying race and language, we seek to understand how and why these categories have been co-naturalized, and to imagine their denaturalization as part of a broader structural project of contesting white supremacy. We explore five key components of a raciolinguistic perspective: (i) historical and contemporary colonial co-naturalizations of race and language; (ii) perceptions of racial and linguistic difference; (iii) regimentations of racial and linguistic categories; (iv) racial and linguistic intersections and assemblages; and (v) contestations of racial and linguistic power formations. These foci reflect our investment in developing a careful theorization of various forms of racial and linguistic inequality on the one hand, and our commitment to the imagination and creation of more just societies on the other. (Race, language ideologies, colonialism, governmentality, enregisterment, structural inequality)*

Health systems rely on commercial prediction algorithms to identify and help patients with complex health needs. We show that a widely used algorithm, typical of this industry-wide approach and affecting millions of patients, exhibits significant racial bias: At a given risk score, Black patients are considerably sicker than White patients, as evidenced by signs of uncontrolled illnesses. Remedying this disparity would increase the percentage of Black patients receiving additional help from 17.7 to 46.5%. The bias arises because the algorithm predicts health care costs rather than illness, but unequal access to care means that we spend less money caring for Black patients than for White patients. Thus, despite health care cost appearing to be an effective proxy for health by some measures of predictive accuracy, large racial biases arise. We suggest that the choice of convenient, seemingly effective proxies for ground truth can be an important source of algorithmic bias in many contexts.

The question of whether pulse oximetry measurements vary according to race has not been adequately studied, despite the wide use of this measure in clinical care. In this analysis, Black patients who had hypoxemia were more likely to have a normal pulse oximetry reading than were White patients.