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In “Racial Integration and the Problem of Relational Devaluation,” I argue that blacks should reject racial integration on self-protective and solidarity grounds. Integration will intensify the self-worth harms of stigmatization and phenotypic devaluation by leading blacks to more fully internalize their devaluation, and while the integrating process itself might reduce the former, it may well leave in place the latter. In this paper, I reply to the challenges to these arguments presented by Sharon Stanley, Andrew Valls, Elvira Basevich, Michael Merry, and Ronald Sundstrom.

Why have American policies failed to reduce the racial inequalities still pervasive throughout the nation? Has President Barack Obama defined new political approaches to race that might spur unity and progress? Still a House Divided examines the enduring divisions of American racial politics and how these conflicts have been shaped by distinct political alliances and their competing race policies. Combining deep historical knowledge with a detailed exploration of such issues as housing, employment, criminal justice, multiracial census categories, immigration, voting in majority-minority districts, and school vouchers, Desmond King and Rogers Smith assess the significance of President Obama's election to the White House and the prospects for achieving constructive racial policies for America's future.

This article argues that blacks should reject integration on self-protective and solidarity grounds. It distinguishes two aspects of black devaluation: a ‘stigmatization’ aspect that has to do with the fact that blacks are subject to various forms of discrimination, and an aesthetic aspect (‘phenotypic devaluation’) that concerns the aesthetic devaluation of characteristically black phenotypic traits. It identifies four self-worth harms that integration may inflict, and suggests that these may outweigh the benefits of integration. Further, it argues that, while the integrating process may reduce stigmatization, there is less reason to think that it can do the same for phenotypic devaluation.

D. C. Matthew makes an important contribution to the ongoing debate between integrationists and their critics. While Matthew's conclusion that blacks have a duty not to integrate is too strong, his account provides additional reasons why they may not want to integrate. Further reasons to resist integration may be provided by considering the contexts of integration, particularly with respect to the degree of coerciveness that they involve. I argue that resistance to integration should take the form of not only refusing to participate in it but also of engaging in collective political action in the pursuit of racial justice.

The research revealed that the father of the university’s founders owned slaves. The founders did not own slaves, but their upbringing did expose them to slavery and racism. The university’s founders were Confederate soldiers.

Using survey data from two distinct samples, we found that reported integration behaviors (e.g., attending company parties, discussing nonwork matters with colleagues) were associated with closer relationships among coworkers but that this effect was qualified by an interaction effect. Racial dissimilarity moderated the relationship between integration and closeness such that integration was positively associated with relationship closeness for those who were demographically similar to their coworkers, but not for those who were demographically dissimilar from their coworkers. Additionally, this moderation effect was mediated by the extent to which respondents experienced comfort and enjoyment when integrating. These findings highlight the importance of creating the right kind of interactions for building closer relationships between employees, particularly relationships that span racial boundaries.

Compared to White Americans, African-Americans are less likely to use primary care (PC) as their usual source of care. This is generally attributed to race differences in socioeconomic status and in access to primary care services. Little is known about the relationship between race differences in medical mistrust and the usual source of care disparity. Using data from the Exploring Health Disparities in Integrated Communities (EHDIC) study, we examined the role of medical mistrust in choosing usual source of care in 1408 black and white adults who were exposed to the same healthcare facilities and low-income racially integrated community. Multinomial logistic regression models were estimated to examine the relationship between race, medical mistrust, and usual source of care. After adjusting for demographic and health-related factors, African-Americans were more likely than whites to use the emergency department (ED) (relative risk ratio [RRR] = 1.43 (95 % confidence interval (CI) [1.06–1.94])) and hospital outpatient department (RRR1.50 (95 %CI [1.10–2.05])) versus primary care as a usual source of care. When medical mistrust was added to the model, the gap between African-Americans’ and whites’ risk of using the ED versus primary care as a usual source of care closed (RRR = 1.29; 95 % CI [0.91–1.83]). However, race differences in the use of the hospital outpatient department remained even after accounting for medical mistrust (RRR = 1.67; 95 % CI [1.16–2.40]). Accounting for medical mistrust eliminated the ED-as-usual-source of care disparity. This study highlights the importance of medical mistrust as an intervention point for decreasing ED use as a usual source of care by low-income, urban African-Americans.

Can positive social contact between members of antagonistic groups reduce prejudice and discrimination? Despite extensive research on social contact, observational studies are difficult to interpret because prejudiced people may select out of contact with out-group members. We overcome this problem by conducting an education-based, randomized field experiment—the Urban Youth Vocational Training program (UYVT)—with 849 randomly sampled Christian and Muslim young men in riot-prone Kaduna, Nigeria. After sixteen weeks of positive intergroup social contact, we find no changes in prejudice, but heterogeneous-class subjects discriminate significantly less against out-group members than subjects in homogeneous classes. We trace this finding to increased discrimination by homogeneous-class subjects compared to non-UYVT study participants, and we highlight potentially negative consequences of in-group social contact. By focusing on skill-building instead of peace messaging, our intervention minimizes reporting bias and offers strong experimental evidence that intergroup social contact can alter behavior in constructive ways, even amid violent conflict.

Focusing on micro-level processes of residential segregation, this analysis combines data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with contextual information from three censuses and several other sources to examine patterns of residential mobility between neighborhoods populated by different combinations of racial and ethnic groups. We find that despite the emergence of multiethnic neighborhoods, stratified mobility dynamics continue to dominate, with relatively few black or white households moving into neighborhoods that could be considered multiethnic. However, we also find that the tendency for white and black households to move between neighborhoods dominated by their own group varies significantly across metropolitan areas. Black and white households' mobility into more integrated neighborhoods is shaped substantially by demographic, economic, political, and spatial features of the broader metropolitan area. Metropolitan-area racial composition, the stock of new housing, residential separation of black and white households, poverty rates, and functional specialization emerge as particularly important predictors. These macro-level effects reflect opportunities for intergroup residential contact as well as structural forces that maintain residential segregation.

In this article Tiffany Wu, Adriana Villavicencio, and Verenisse Ponce Soria investigate how Asian American parents define and understand diversity and explore how racial attitudes influence parents' school choices. Drawing on a broader study of a school choice policy designed to reduce racial segregation in a large, urban school district, the authors focus on interviews conducted in English and Mandarin with thirty-four Asian American parents to examine how they conceptualize school diversity and how, or tf, race influences their school choices. In exploring the motivations behind their preferences, they found that parents\" statements reflected an internalization of the model minority myth and that their preferences were also based in their beliefs about school and neighborhood safety, including concerns over growing racial discrimination against Asian Americans. This study is aimed to help policy makers better understand the complex motivations within multiracial communities when designing and implementing school integration plans.