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In February 2016, the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine held a workshop in which speakers shared strategies for individuals, organizations, and communities to advance racial and health equity. Participants discussed increasing awareness about the role of historical contexts and dominant narratives in interpreting data and information about different racial and ethnic groups, framing messages for different social and political outcomes, and readying people to institutionalize practices, policies, and partnerships that advance racial and health equity. This publication serves as a factual summary of the presentations and discussions from the workshop.

Investigates how income level, education, ideology, ethnicity, social context, gender, and age affect attitudes toward immigrants and influence extent to which negative racial and ethnic stereotypes are held; based on data from the 1992 and 1996 American National Election Studies.

On June 16, 2016, the Roundtable on Population Health Improvement held a workshop at the Lutheran Church of the Good Shepherd in Brooklyn, New York, to explore the influence of trauma and violence on communities. The workshop highlighted examples of community-based organizations using trauma-informed approaches to treat violence and build safe and healthy communities. Presentations showcased examples that can serve as models in different sectors and communities and shared lessons learned. This publication summarizes the presentation and discussion of the event.

Sexual racism is a specific form of racial prejudice enacted in the context of sex or romance. Online, people use sex and dating profiles to describe racialized attraction through language such as “Not attracted to Asians.” Among gay and bisexual men, sexual racism is a highly contentious issue. Although some characterize discrimination among partners on the basis of race as a form of racism, others present it as a matter of preference. In May 2011, 2177 gay and bisexual men in Australia participated in an online survey that assessed how acceptably they viewed online sexual racism. Although the men sampled displayed diverse attitudes, many were remarkably tolerant of sexual racism. We conducted two multiple linear regression analyses to compare factors related to men’s attitudes toward sexual racism online and their racist attitudes more broadly. Almost every identified factor associated with men’s racist attitudes was also related to their attitudes toward sexual racism. The only differences were between men who identified as Asian or Indian. Sexual racism, therefore, is closely associated with generic racist attitudes, which challenges the idea of racial attraction as solely a matter of personal preference.

Scholars have argued that racial policy beliefs contributed to a decline in public trust among white-Americans, but this effect waned over time as racial policies left the agenda. We theorize that beliefs about racial policies may have been integrated into whites’ racial attitudes, resulting in a durable association between racial prejudice and public trust. Our analysis of eight ANES surveys (1992–2020) shows that racial prejudice, measured in terms of anti-Black stereotypes, informs white Americans’ beliefs about the trustworthiness of the federal government. LDV models strengthen our contention by showing that the relationship persists after an LDV is included and it is not reciprocal.

Objective/Context: This article discusses how public opinion behaves in relation to the arrival of foreigners to Brazil. Methodology: Specifically, it tests two important theoretical approaches present in the literature: racial prejudice and economic competition. Conclusions: The analyses suggest that both dimensions are present, although there is stronger evidence of the former. The probability of considering the arrival of foreigners to Brazil negative is higher when they come from countries with a majority black population, such as Haiti and African countries, compared to other groups, such as Latinos, Asians, Europeans, and Americans. This is supported by the historical and social construction of Brazil itself, marked by a slave heritage and the subjugation of the black population. Originality: Despite being a case study, the article contributes to a broader understanding of how public opinion is positioned in relation to the arrival of foreigners in other Latin American contexts with similar historical processes of colonization or with current problems related to new migratory waves. The study offers an approach to the subject in a context that is different from that observed in European countries and the USA, sources of most studies on public opinion and immigration.

List and endorsement experiments are becoming increasingly popular among social scientists as indirect survey techniques for sensitive questions. When studying issues such as racial prejudice and support for militant groups, these survey methodologies may improve the validity of measurements by reducing nonresponse and social desirability biases. We develop a statistical test and multivariate regression models for comparing and combining the results from list and endorsement experiments. We demonstrate that when carefully designed and analyzed, the two survey experiments can produce substantively similar empirical findings. Such agreement is shown to be possible even when these experiments are applied to one of the most challenging research environments: contemporary Afghanistan. We find that both experiments uncover similar patterns of support for the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) among Pashtun respondents. Our findings suggest that multiple measurement strategies can enhance the credibility of empirical conclusions. Open-source software is available for implementing the proposed methods.

This research was designed to test if priming the election of President Obama as a contemporary racial milestone would increase implicit racial bias among White Americans. Participants (N = 202) were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: a power threat prime (Obama), a majority threat prime (shifting racial demographics of the U.S.), or no prime, before completing an implicit measure of positive and negative associations with Whites and Blacks. Consistent with group threat theory, both group threat primes increased implicit anti-Black bias. In the power threat prime (Obama) condition, only those with lower internal motivation to respond without prejudice showed elevated implicit bias. Findings indicate that framing Obama as a racial pioneer elicits group threat reactions among Whites with low internal motivation to respond without prejudice, increasing implicit anti-Black bias.

The present study addresses the distinction between contemporary and old-fashioned prejudice using survey data from a national sample ( n  = 600) of self-identified whites living in the United States and interviewed by telephone in 2001. First, we examine associations among indicators of contemporary and old-fashioned prejudice. Consistent with the literature, contemporary and old-fashioned prejudice indicators represent two distinct but correlated common factors. Second, we examine whether belief in genetic race differences uniformly predicts both types of prejudice. As might be expected, belief in genetic race differences predicts old-fashioned prejudice but contrary to recent theorizing, it also predicts contemporary prejudice.

This chapter reviews and critiques recent work on prejudice, discrimination, and racism, with an emphasis on evidence of continuing discrimination in the United States and efforts to understand its basis in prejudice. Three lines of research are the primary subject of the review: recent work on the measurement of discrimination, especially audit methods; theories of new prejudice and new racism following the Civil Rights movement; and research on implicit prejudicial attitudes. The most sophisticated new work on prejudice and discrimination is characterized by a multidimensional understanding of prejudice and/or the use of experimental methods. This review argues that research on implicit prejudice, largely developed by psychologists, provides an important new understanding of the basis of discrimination and should be incorporated in sociological accounts.