Explore the vast range of titles available.

La llegada al poder de Gurbangulí Berdimujamédov tras el fallecimiento en 2006 del primer presidente del Turkmenistán independiente, Saparmurat Niyázov, trajo consigo tres interrogantes respecto al horizonte de desarrollo de la joven república. Las mismas se referían a la continuidad o cambio de régimen entre el autoritarismo y la democracia liberal; a su modelo de gobernanza, diferenciando el sultanismo de un neopatrimonialismo vertebrado con base a redes informales; y finalmente a la posibilidad de neutralizar la persistente amenaza de golpe de Estado, en forma de golpe de palacio, y que suponía la principal amenaza a la seguridad del país desde la perspectiva de la inestabilidad política. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el desarrollo de estas tres cuestiones, examinando la evolución del Estado Neopatrimonial en las presidencias de Niyázov y Berdimujamédov, así como los tres contextos principales de riesgo de golpe de palacio en el Turkmenistán independiente.

In this article, we attempt to analyze perceptions of the Taliban's ascent to power in Afghanistan among various political groups in Tajikistan. In order to do this, we study the channels and groups on the social networks most popular in Tajikistan (Telegram and Vkontakte) and conduct qualitative content analysis of text and video materials. We argue that the government and the opposition are quite similar in their assessments of the new authorities in Afghanistan. This issue therefore represents an area of common ground between the two groups. We also claim that the Tajik opposition, including moderate Islamists, is more oriented around national than Islamic solidarity. We note that the experience of the Islamic approach to state-building has not been translated effectively to the Tajik context by proponents of the Taliban.

Geographical isolation, poor political relevance of the country during the period of its membership in the USSR, weak ethnic, religious, linguistic and regional cohesion resulted in the delay of the period of consolidation of a functional and stable government in Dushanbe for almost a decade after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. When at last it happened under the aegis of Emomali Rahmon, it was to be prolonged in time. Factors such as the break-in of the Taliban movement in Afghanistan, the Allied intervention in that country to disband it and its return from 2013 to a political-military front in a country whose turbulences affects stability in Tajikistan, made imperative the solidity of any government in Dushanbe. A conjunct skillfully exploited by Rahmon to cling to power and try to make it hereditary for his family and clan.