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Cambodia’s changing relations with the so-called “international community”, including the European Union’s decision to partially withdraw Cambodia’s preferential trade benefits and the closure of the Swedish Embassy in 2020, have given rise to concerns about Cambodia’s impending break with the West and tilt towards China. This article examines how Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen has negotiated public concerns about the adjustments in international support from donor countries and institutions, particularly following the 2018 elections. Through an examination of his speeches since the early 2000s, this article argues that one of Hun Sen’s key rhetorical strategies is his sustained engagement with an inherent paradox of “the international community”: the possibility for actors to become morally excluded from, but remain structurally integrated in, the international community. Six themes he thereby developed inform his nationalist message about the advantages arising from the changing nature of Cambodia’s international cooperation, in which Cambodia is able to engage the world on an equal footing with other countries while free of any constraints imposed by its international donors. In this vision, the international order becomes a “sphere of opportunity”, rather than a “sphere of scrutiny”, for Cambodia.

It is postulated that collective labour movements responding to demands for political reform, rather than to workplace demands, are key actors in democratic mobilization. Contrary to this proposition, this article draws on evidence from labour movements and related social allies in Cambodia to examine why they fail to mobilize in support of democratic revolutions. This article argues that labour movements in Cambodia do not “burst onto the political scene” because they possess weak social and institutional alliances with political actors, such as opposition parties and other interest groups, to establish a democratic revolution. The capacity of labour movements to transform “democratic intent” into “democratic action” is thus hindered by the ability of authoritarian rulers and their coalitions, including business elites, to tightly control and co-opt alliances of labour movements designed to put pressure on the ruling regime. In essence, capitalist development does not strengthen the capacity of excluded labour groups but co-opts them to break down the opposition alliance and thus prevent democratization.

The political compromise and cooperation established in 2014 between Prime Minister Hun Sen's long-ruling Cambodian People's Party and opposition leader Sam Rainsy's Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) continued into 2015, highlighted by electoral reforms in March. However, by mid-year, CNRP criticism of Hun Sen led to a crackdown and the self-imposed exile of Rainsy and other high-ranking members of the opposition.

Based on research carried out over the three decades, this book compares the post-war political economies of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam in the context of their individual and collective impact on contemporary efforts at regional integration. The author highlights the different paths to reform taken by the three neighbours and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development through the ASEAN and the Greater Mekong Subregion. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last thirty years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. The author discusses how the three states have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the unique strengths of their individual cultures. Contributing to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic development, the book provides a detailed account of the political economies of three states at the heart of Southeast Asia.

CANBERRA, Aug 26 AAP - Any move by Australia to resettle refugees in Cambodia would fuel corruption and spark resentment, the country's opposition leader says.

CANBERRA, March 18 AAP - Cambodia's opposition party is calling on Australia to lead an investigation into that country's elections, which were marred by allegations of corruption and political violence. Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy is in Canberra with two of his MPs trying to drum up support for an inquiry into Cambodia's electoral commission and claims of irregularities in last July's poll. \"Australia is well placed to take such a lead to help Cambodia,\" he told reporters in Canberra on Tuesday.

Sam Rainsy, who is in France, was charged with racial incitement and destruction of property after the veteran politician allegedly removed several wooden border posts marking the boundary between Cambodia and Vietnam in October.

Cambodia's opposition leader, Sam Rainsy, has been stripped of parliamentary immunity in a move his supporters say reflects political intimidation by the ruling party. Last week, Mr [Hun Sen] criticised Thailand's judicial system for pursuing former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra for political, not criminal reasons.

\"They are more enthusiastic, louder and they are paying for their own gas and food. I saw a guy with CPP campaign stickers on his bike. I said something to my friend about it, like 'there goes the CPP,' and he heard me. He said 'No, my friend, they are paying me five dollars a day to do this but I am not with them.'\" \"This is the biggest campaign that I have ever seen in my life. [Sam Rainsy]'s presence has made a big difference. The town was packed,\" said Sokunroth. \"My parents called me three or four times a day asking me to quit, but I told them I can't.\" The Failed State Index for 2012 declared the country at 'warning' level, ranked at 41 out of 178 countries, just five spaces below Congo (Republic) at 36. Cambodia earned particularly poor marks in the \"rise of factionalised elite\" and \"legitimacy of the state\".