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This paper explores links between different ethical motivations and kinds of corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities to distinguish between different types of business cases with regard to sustainability. The design of CSR and corporate sustainability can be based on different ethical foundations and motivations. This paper draws on the framework of Roberts (Organization 10:249-265, 2003) which distinguishes four different ethical management versions of CSR. The first two ethical motivations are driven either by a reactionary concern for the short-term financial interests of the business, or reputational, driven by a narcissistic concern to protect the firm's image. The third responsible motivation works from the inside-out and seeks to embed social and environmental concerns within the firm's performance management systems, and the fourth, a collaborative motivation, works to bring the outside in and seeks to go beyond the boundaries of the firm to create a dialogue with those who are vulnerable to the unintended consequences of corporate conduct. Management activities based on these different ethical motivations to CSR and sustainability result in different operational activities for corporations working towards sustainability and thus have very different effects on how the company's economic performance is influenced. Assuming that corporate managers are concerned about creating business cases for their companies to survive and prosper in the long term, this paper raises the question of how different ethical motivations for designing CSR and corporate sustainability relate to the creation of different business cases. The paper concludes by distinguishing four different kinds of business cases with regard to sustainability: reactionary and reputational business cases of sustainability, and responsible and collaborative business cases for sustainability.

This article seeks to deepen understanding of the global politics of reactionary discursive formations, which at the current conjuncture increasingly coalesce around self-victimising articulations of racial nationalism and a rejection of social justice struggles, often delegitimated as ‘elitist’ in Western core contexts or ‘Western’ in postcolonial spaces. Drawing on insights from feminist and postcolonial scholarship on racial entanglements, masculinism, and Occidentalism, I argue that racialised and gendered imaginations about an emasculated and overly multiracial West and, relatedly, renewed East/West binaries enable reactionary discourses in both Western societies and elsewhere through adaptable mechanisms of mediating between the international and the domestic. I then extend an analysis of global racial entanglements and gendered East/West binaries to Chinese anti- baizuo discourse from both online nationalists and dissident intellectuals, which provides a prime example of how grammars of global reactionary discourse are localised in different political projects and ideological constellations. It demonstrates how reactionary imaginations of the West are instrumental for animating narratives of racial-civilisational hierarchy and masculinist notions of politics and society hostile to egalitarian and emancipatory ideals in a ‘non-Western’ context. Moreover, by highlighting overlaps and divergence in the refashioning of dualistic constructs in American and Chinese ‘anti-woke’ narratives, I show that reactionary discourses operate not only across the geopolitical divide, but also through it, invoked by opposing political forces sharing ethnonationalist and masculinist logics in processes of mutual othering to perpetuate antagonistic identities. The article contributes to the intersection between critical research on the global right and postcolonial International Relations (IR).

The dentine-pulp complex response in deep caries is histological characterized by tertiary formation and mild chronic pulp inflammation. The quiescent primary odontoblasts are reactivated, laying down reactionary tertiary dentine. In more severe carious damage the primary odontoblasts die and reparative tertiary dentine is secreted by odontoblast-like cells, which are differentiated in adult teeth mainly from dental pulp stem cells DPSC. Though associated with reversible pulpitis DPSC still preserve in deep caries the capability of migration, proliferation and differentiation. Some common mechanisms of molecular signals involved in tertiary dentine formation might also explain the balance between inflammation and regeneration of dentine-pulp complex.

Reaktionäres Denken ist wieder in Mode. Aber was ist das eigentlich? Wodurch unterscheidet es sich von anderen Formen des Denkens? Und welche philosophischen Instrumente können gegen dessen erneutes Erstarken wirken? Robert Hugo Ziegler analysiert beispielhaft Autoren wie Jünger, Heidegger, Schmitt und Rand und schlägt einen systematischen Begriff des reaktionären Denkens vor. Damit entmystifiziert er eine Diskursform, die letztlich nur in der eigenen Mystifizierung besteht, und bezieht auch politisch Stellung gegen das Wiederaufleben der Reaktion.

This article documents how Gertrude Stein’s main activity during World War I, driving a truck for the American Fund for French Wounded, influenced her writing about the war, with lasting impact on her poetics and politics. Making a claim for Stein as a notable World War I writer, I examine her overlooked wartime poetry, her later writing about the war, and the reports that she and her partner, Alice B. Toklas, wrote for the A. F. F. W. Weekly Bulletin (which have so far evaded scholarly attention). Although Stein witnessed the war’s most devastating effects, her writing is oddly exuberant. I demonstrate how Stein’s fascination with her automobile contributed not only to her ebullient writing but also a technology-based aestheticism, a mechanistic world view, and, ultimately, a compromised feminism. While her machine infatuation bears much resemblance to that of fascist-minded modernists, it also stands out for being a specifically female response to technology and for inspiring ways of thinking that uphold the status quo. Stein’s automobilism thus helps shade in not only the contours of her reactionary politics but also the motley landscape of modernism’s problematic intersection with technology, war, and the political Right.

The concern with space and, more fundamentally, the formulation of a larger, guiding spatial theory, was central to achieving Nazi objectives during the Third Reich. We disclose critical elements of that theory, focusing on two contributions: the first by the jurist and international legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) and the second by the geographer Walter Christaller (1893-1969). Applying the perverted biopolitical logic of National Socialism required the military accomplishment and bureaucratic management of two interrelated spatial processes: deterritorialization and reterritorialization. Deterritorialization involved moving non-Germanized Germans (mainly Jews and Slavs) off conquered Eastern lands to create an \"empty space\" that was then \"reterritorialized\" by the settlement of \"legitimate\" Germans (although often not German citizens). Although many German academics were involved in designing and implementing these spatial strategies, we single out two. Carl Schmitt provided a politico-judicial justification for reterritorialization involving the geographical expansion of the Third Reich: Großraum (greater space). Conceived four months before Germany's Blitzkrieg invasion of Poland that triggered World War II, Großraum provided the (literal) grounds for Nazi reterritorialization. Walter Christaller brought his peculiar spatial imaginary of formal geometry and place-based rural romanticism in planning the \"empty space\" of the East after non-Germanized inhabitants were removed. His central place theory re-created the Nazis' territorial conquests in the geographical likeness of the German homeland.

What are the legacies of the war on terror? This paper seeks to answer this question through an analysis of vernacular uses of terrorism discourse in political commentary on the Ukraine war. The paper describes how the set of tropes, ideas, and recurrent metaphors that constituted the historical backbone of narratives about terrorism before and after 9/11 is now being mobilised in the context of interstate conflict. Instead of rejecting such deployments of terrorism as lay misappropriations of an otherwise-objective concept, we argue that they evidence the aesthetic force of terrorism discourse in organising our ethical relationship to different experiences of (in)human suffering. The paper advances the concept of terrorism as an aesthetic signifier, to provide two contributions to terrorism studies. First, we argue that narrative approaches to the study of political violence in IR can only move forward if they bypass the field’s traditional framing of terrorism – which we dub the (il)legitimacy trap – and push the boundaries of critique beyond the idea of terrorism as unacceptable violence. Second, we contend that IR scholars must situate the signifiers orbiting the discourse on terror within wider racialised aesthetic regimes dictating the visibility and invisibility of collective suffering. With these two moves, we hope to bring more attention to the question of victimisation in terrorism studies, a field historically focused on perpetrators and the conditions of perpetration of violence.

El objetivo de este trabajo es exponer el concepto de historiografía reaccionaria. En un primer momento, me centro en delimitar el debate sobre los usos de la historiografía en el pensamiento conservador y de derechas, partiendo de la idea reciente de alt-histories empleada por Louie Valencia-García. Muestro que los anacronismos son una parte importante de la historiografía reaccionaria y que producen un efecto de no-sincronicidad (Ungleichzeitigkeit), al decir del filósofo alemán Ernst Bloch. En un segundo momento, intento delimitar esta no-sincronicidad en el marco de la teología política europea y lo que Carl Schmitt llama “filosofía política de la contrarrevolución”. Contrario a algunos planteamientos que me propongo interrogar, el pensamiento reaccionario no priorizaría una imagen lineal y sincrónica de la historia, sino que se nutre de una representación excepcionalista del evento revolucionario y de las respuestas que podrían dársele. Posteriormente, expongo algunos exponentes de la historiografía reaccionaria en Chile y discuto sus presupuestos conceptuales: en especial Mario Góngora y Jaime Eyzaguirre, dos pensadores fundamentales del conservadurismo chileno. El concepto de historiografía reaccionaria, en mi opinión, ayudaría a deconstruir los presupuestos filosóficos y las “metástasis teóricas” al decir de Hans Blumenberg, con las que la historia lee los eventos críticos. Lejos de ser inocentes, los usos políticos del pasado están sobredeterminados por posiciones coyunturales y concepciones teóricas determinables. Mediante una visitación de la ensayística de intelectuales católicos del siglo XIX y de la derecha chilena del siglo XX, me acerco a la investigación de un capítulo de la historia conceptual de la derecha latinoamericana, la historiografía reaccionaria.

Green spaces provide flood-regulating functions that help minimize the impact of flooding. However, in urban Africa, rapid urbanization has led to the decline and deterioration of greeneries, which have adverse outcomes on the preparedness of cities to respond to ecological disasters, particularly flooding. Through the review of eight relevant urban planning documents and interviews with relevant urban planning institutions, this study found that city officials had considerable knowledge and acknowledged the significance of green spaces in minimizing flood occurrence and its impacts. This notwithstanding, the interviews and analyses of the urban planning documents showed some clear attempts to integrate green space planning into flood management interventions in only three of the policy documents. Political interference, financial constraints, and inadequate logistics, were mentioned as the notable challenges toward successful integration of green space planning into flood management efforts. The study recommends the conscious inclusion of green space planning into flood management efforts towards minimizing the occurrence and adverse impacts of floods.

Cervical cancer mortality among Hispanic immigrant women remains disproportionately high in Tarrant County, Texas, despite national improvements. In this region, restrictive healthcare eligibility criteria and fragmented safety net systems limit access to preventive and life-saving care. A reactionary political environment further compounds these barriers. Drawing on the findings of a multi-year mixed-methods study and a subsequent academic-community partnership in Tarrant County, this article examines how governance decisions, fiscal priorities, and institutional policies shape immigrant health access. Using a political economy of health framework, we show how these structural conditions produce and sustain cervical cancer disparities. Qualitative research is essential for documenting how political and structural forces shape health outcomes. However, scholars working in restrictive policy environments within reactionary governance contexts face distinct methodological and ethical pressures. These include scrutiny of research framing, limitations on community collaboration, and risks associated with publicly naming policy-level drivers of inequity. Based on insights from conducting research in a politically contested setting, we identify strategies for maintaining rigor while minimizing harm to both research participants and community partners. These strategies include ethical community-engaged research practices, capacity-building efforts that strengthen local health infrastructures, and strategic framing techniques that communicate findings accurately without increasing political resistance. By pairing empirical analysis with pragmatic guidance for research in reactionary governance contexts, this article demonstrates how qualitative scholarship can contribute to public understanding, institutional reflection, and incremental system change even when direct policy reform is constrained. We ground these insights in cervical cancer survivorship among Hispanic immigrant women in Tarrant County to keep methodological guidance anchored in disease-specific realities.