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This article explores belief in political rumors surrounding the health care reforms enacted by Congress in 2010. Refuting rumors with statements from unlikely sources can, under certain circumstances, increase the willingness of citizens to reject rumors regardless of their own political predilections. Such source credibility effects, while well known in the political persuasion literature, have not been applied to the study of rumor. Though source credibility appears to be an effective tool for debunking political rumors, risks remain. Drawing upon research from psychology on ‘fluency’ – the ease of information recall – this article argues that rumors acquire power through familiarity. Attempting to quash rumors through direct refutation may facilitate their diffusion by increasing fluency. The empirical results find that merely repeating a rumor increases its power.

While evidence from California suggests that group threat mobilizes Latinos, nationally, there has never been a test case for this theory. In 2016, the Trump campaign provided a clear case of group threat through his divisive rhetoric and policy proposals targeting Mexican Americans and immigrants. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) data, we find evidence that Latino voters were politically motivated by Trump's anti-Latino rhetoric. We hypothesize that Latino voters who perceive Latinos as a racialized group and feel a sense of immigrant-linked fate are more likely to hold negative views toward the Republican candidate, and feel angry during the 2016 election. We further find that Latino voters who were angry were more likely to engage in political activities such as donating to campaigns, contacting government officials, and protesting during and shortly after the 2016 election. The findings hold for U.S. born Latinos as well as among non-Mexican Latinos who felt similarly targeted by Trump's rhetoric and proposals.

The ability to control both what we remember and what is forgotten can enhance memory. The present study used an item-method directed forgetting paradigm to investigate whether participants strategically remembered items they were responsible for remembering rather than items a hypothetical friend was responsible for remembering. Specifically, participants were presented with a 20-word list (either unrelated words or items to pack for a camping trip) with each word followed by a cue indicating whether the participant (You) or their “friend” (Friend) was responsible for remembering the word. When asked to recall all of the words, regardless of the cue, recall was sensitive to the You and Friend instructions such that participants demonstrated elevated recall for the items they were responsible for remembering, and participants also strategically organized retrieval by recalling You items before Friend items. Additionally, when asked to judge the importance of remembering each item, participants’ recall and recognition were sensitive to item importance regardless of cue. Taken together, the present experiments revealed that the strategic encoding of important information and the forgetting of less important, goal-irrelevant information can maximize memory utility and minimize negative consequences for forgetting. Thus, we provide evidence for a metacognitive process we are calling responsible forgetting , where people attempt to forget less consequential information and focus on remembering what is most important.

Metacognition involves the understanding and awareness of one’s cognitive processes, and responsible remembering is the notion that people strategically focus on and remember important information to prevent negative consequences for forgetting. The present study examined the metacognitive control processes involved in responsible remembering by evaluating how information importance affects one’s allocation of study time and subsequent recall. Specifically, participants were presented with pictures of children along with each child’s food preferences (2 foods they like, 2 foods they dislike, and 2 foods they are allergic to and must avoid) to remember for a later test. When making no metacognitive assessments or judging the likelihood of later remembering each food preference (JOL), participants did not strategically study or demonstrate enhanced recall for the most important information (allergies). However, when making judgments of importance (at either the item or global level), participants spent more time studying and best recalled the information that they rated as most important to remember (allergies). Collectively, these results suggest that when people judge the importance of remembering information, whether at the global or item level, study decisions are better informed, resulting in strategic studying and greater recall for information with the most severe consequences for forgetting.

Studies over the past 40 years have shown that Americans can recall about half the U.S. presidents. Do people know the presidents even though they are unable to access them for recall? We investigated this question using the powerful cues of a recognition test. Specifically, we tested the ability of 326 online subjects to recognize U.S. presidents when presented with their full names among various types of lures. The hit rate for presidential recognition was .88, well above the proportion produced in free recall but far from perfect. Presidents Franklin Pierce and Chester Arthur were recognized less than 60% of the time. Interestingly, four nonpresidents were falsely recognized at relatively high rates, and Alexander Hamilton was more frequently identified as president than were several actual presidents. Even on a recognition test, knowledge of American presidents is imperfect and prone to error. The false alarm data support the theory that false fame can arise from contextual familiarity.

Objectives: This study evaluates the performance of YOLO object detection models, from YOLOv5 to YOLOv10, in detecting vehicles, pedestrians, and traffic signs in road environments, with a focus on their applicability to real-time autonomous driving.   Theoretical Framework: The research builds on the evolution of YOLO as a leading single-stage object detection framework, which is recognized for balancing accuracy and speed compared to traditional two-stage methods.   Method: A custom dataset of 5,950 annotated images collected under diverse weather and illumination conditions was used to train and evaluate the models. Performance was assessed using precision, recall, F1-score, mean Average Precision (mAP), and inference time, with preprocessing carried out in Roboflow and experiments executed on Google Colab with GPU support.   Results and Discussion: The results show that YOLOv5x achieved the highest accuracy, with a mAP of 76.2% and an F1-score of 77.34%, while YOLOv8n demonstrated the fastest inference time at 2.2 milliseconds. Persistent challenges were identified in detecting small objects and addressing dataset class imbalance, which significantly affected performance.   Research Implications: The findings highlight the need for dataset balancing and careful model selection to improve detection in autonomous driving applications.   Originality/Value: This study offers a comprehensive comparison of YOLO versions in urban road environments, providing valuable insights for researchers and practitioners in intelligent transportation systems.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to review the scholarship on political skill and political will so that the authors might inspire future work that assesses these constructs individually and in tandem.Design/methodology/approachThe “political skill” and “political will” concepts were introduced about 40 years ago, but they only have been measured and produced empirical results much more recently. Since that time, substantial research results have demonstrated the important roles political skill and political will play in organizational behavior. This paper provides a comprehensive review of this research, draws conclusions from this work and provides a meta-theoretical framework of political skill and political will to guide future work in this area.FindingsScholarship in this area has developed quite rapidly for political skill, but less so for political will. The authors hope that recent developments in a political will can set the stage for scholars to create a theoretical and empirical balance between these two related constructs.Originality/valueThe authors corral the vast and widespread literature on political skill and will and distill the information for scholars and practitioners alike.

People often feel that information that was forgotten is less important than remembered information. Prior work has shown that participants assign higher importance to remembered information while undervaluing forgotten information. The current study examined two possible accounts of this finding. In three experiments, participants studied lists of words in which each word was randomly assigned a point value denoting the value of remembering the word. Following the presentation of each list participants engaged in a free recall test. After the presentation of all lists participants were shown each of the words they had studied and asked to recall the point value that was initially paired with each word. Experiment 1 tested a fluency-based account by presenting items for value judgments in a low-fluency or high-fluency format. Experiment 2 examined whether value judgments reflect attributions based on the familiarity of an item when value judgments are made. Finally, in Experiment 3 , we evaluated whether participants believe that forgotten words are less important by having them judge whether an item was initially recalled or forgotten prior to making a value judgment. Manipulating the fluency of an item presented for judgment had no influence on value ratings (Experiment 1 ) and familiarity exerted a limited influence on value judgments (Experiment 2 ). More importantly, participants’ value judgments appeared to reflect a theory that remembered information is more valuable than forgotten information (Experiment 3 ). Overall, the present work suggests that individuals may apply a theory about remembering and forgetting to retrospectively assess the value of information.

Chile is unusual among Latin America's democracies in having both a highly stable party system and comparatively low levels of citizen identification with parties. Since 2011, however, this state of affairs has been under strain as the country has wrestled with a lingering crisis of political representation. Traditional politicians still hold nearly all elected offices, but are ever less able to represent societal demands. Frustrated citizens are now increasingly making themselves heard outside established political institutions, in the streets and via new movements that seek to alter the status quo. Calls for major institutional change have become widespread. Members of Chile's political elite are wary of change. They recall the spiraling polarization that gripped the country after Salvador Allende of the Socialist Party was elected to the presidency in 1970. They remember the 1973 coup led by General Augusto Pinochet that violently toppled Allende, resulted in his death, and ushered in close to two decades of brutal military rule.

Mayor London Breed, who strongly endorsed the recall, said that the San Francisco school board “must focus on the essentials of delivering a well-run school system above all else.” An issue at the heart of the recall election was the school board’s attempt to abolish merit-based admissions at Lowell High School amidst claims meritocratic policies were “racist.” “The voters of this City have delivered a clear message that the School Board must focus on the essentials of delivering a well-run school system above all else,” said Mayor London Breed, who strongly endorsed the recall. (Two high schools opened with “supervision”—but no teaching—for two weeks in May, to qualify for a state grant.) Led by López, the board president, and Collins, the school board “put performative politics over children,” said Todd David, a father of three who created a parents’ group to support the recall campaign.