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The aftermath of recent Kenyan elections has been marred by violence and an apparent crisis in democratic governance, with the negotiated settlement resulting from the 2007 election bringing into sharp focus longstanding problems of state and society. The broader reform process has involved electoral, judicial and security-sector reforms, among others, which in turn revolve around constitutional reforms. Written by a gathering of eminent specialists, this highly original volume interrogates the roots and impact of the 2010 constitution. It explains why reforms were blocked in the past but were successful this time around, and explores the scope for their implementation in the face of continued resistance by powerful groups. In doing so, the book demonstrates that the Kenyan experience carries significance well past its borders, speaking to debates surrounding social justice and national cohesion across the African continent and beyond.

Introduction Effective PrEP use is critical for impact, but data are limited on common patterns of continuation and coverage among persons using PrEP in real‐world settings. Methods Data are from the Partners Scale‐Up Project, a programmatic stepped‐wedge cluster‐randomized trial to integrate PrEP delivery in 25 Kenyan public health facilities conducted between February 2017 and December 2021. We evaluated PrEP continuation using visit attendance and pharmacy refill records, and computed medication possession ratio to define coverage during the first year of use. Latent class mixture models were used to identify and characterize membership to different PrEP continuation patterns. Multinomial logistic regression was used to examine the association between group trajectories and demographic and behaviour characteristics. Results Overall, 4898 persons initiated PrEP, 54% (2640) were female, mean age was 33 years (standard deviation 11) and 84% (4092) had partners living with HIV. PrEP continuation was 57%, 44%, and 34% at 1, 3, and 6 months, respectively. Four unique trajectories of PrEP coverage were identified: (1) one‐fourth (1154) exhibited consistent high coverage throughout the year with 93%, 94%, 96%, and 67% continuing PrEP at months 1, 3, 6, and 12, respectively; (2) 13% (682) showed high coverage trajectory throughout 6 months but coverage rapidly declined thereafter (94%, 93%, 63%, and 10% continued at months 1, 3, 6, and 12, respectively); (3) 18.9% (918) exhibited moderate coverage trajectory with 91% of clients refilling PrEP at month 1 but nearly all dropped‐off thereafter (37%, 5%, and 4% continued at months 3, 6, and 12, respectively); and (4) 43.8% (2144) exhibited immediate discontinuation trajectory, in which nearly all did not have any subsequent PrEP refill. Overall, being female, older age, having partners living with HIV or of unknown HIV status were statistically associated with better PrEP continuation trajectories compared to the immediate discontinuation trajectory (p <0.05 for all). Conclusions In this analysis of a real‐world PrEP implementation programme in Kenya, we found four distinct patterns of PrEP continuation, with one‐third of users exhibiting consistent high continuation throughout 12 months and two‐fifths with immediate discontinuation patterns. These data may help guide tailored interventions to support PrEP continuation in this setting.

\"Kenya, 1952, a colony on the edge. Settlers drink sundowners on the veranda but the servants can't be trusted. Beyond manicured lawns, in the dark of the forest, freedom is stirring. Johnny Seymour has seen too much war and seeks solace photographing East African wildlife. But when isolated white families are slaughtered by Mau Mau gangs, the British respond brutally and Johnny is reluctantly pulled into the horror. After his African driver Macharia disappears, Johnny is forced to confront shocking truths about his own country and ask how far he'll go to help a friend. Nearly sixty years later, disgraced young barrister Sam Seymour knows nothing about her grandfather. Even his name is taboo. All she understands is that Johnny did something so awful that his only son - her father - had to be rescued from Kenya. Now as veteran Mau Mau fighters demand reparations for past sins, she's been offered a chance to unpeel history and discover why. In a narrative spanning the generations, White Highlands follows Sam and Johnny as they confront the might of the British state.\"--Dust jacket.

This paper draws on the recent experience of Kenya and Zimbabwe to demonstrate how power-sharing has played out in Africa. Although the two cases share some superficial similarities, variation in the strength and disposition of key veto players generated radically different contexts that shaped the feasibility and impact of unity government. Explaining the number and attitude of veto players requires a comparative analysis of the evolution of civil–military and intra-elite relations. In Zimbabwe, the exclusionary use of violence and rhetoric, together with the militarisation of politics, created far greater barriers to genuine power-sharing, resulting in the politics of continuity. These veto players were less significant in the Kenyan case, giving rise to a more cohesive outcome in the form of the politics of collusion. However, we find that neither mode of power-sharing creates the conditions for effective reform, which leads to a more general conclusion: unity government serves to postpone conflict, rather than to resolve it.

Transitional justice is a critical component in peacebuilding in post-conflict regimes. States recovering from periods of protracted structural or manifest conflict institute restorative and retributive transitional justice mechanisms with the aim of pursuing justice for victims and perpetrators. There is, however, a phenomenon that has been observed in the international system whereby post-conflict regimes that have initiated transitional justice interventions in pursuit of a sustainable peace experience relapse into violence. This paper examines the outcome and impact of transitional justice interventions in peacebuilding in post-conflict regimes using the case of Kenya. The study integrates a descriptive and explanatory multiple case study of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and the International Criminal Court processes to examine the intersection of transitional justice and peacebuilding in the country. The paper demonstrates that these transitional justice processes suffered legislative enactment and enforcement inadequacies as well as limitations of state interference and local ownership that hindered their effectiveness. Due to noncooperation and non-compliance in their implementation, these transitional justice mechanisms failed to respond to the protracted latent and manifest antagonisms between perpetrators and victims, thereby constraining the peacebuilding agenda in the country.

Truth commissions are widely considered to be a key tool of transitional justice mechanisms (TJMs), whose goal is to achieve truth, justice, and reconciliation after violent conflict or dictatorship. However, policy actors promoting these mechanisms have often not adequately engaged in a critical reflection of the policy measures they are suggesting. Instead, they usually argue from normative points of view rather than relying on empirical evidence. During the last decade, there has been a continued debate as to whether or not TJMs actually work and what impact they have. Drawing on research from three case studies (Kenya, Sierra Leone, and Timor-Leste), this paper analyzes the (non)implementation of recommendations produced in the final reports of truth commissions created after armed conflict. The work focuses on the impact of truth commissions on democracy, peace, and institutional reform. The analysis roughly follows the four-step approach set out by Skaar, Maica, and Eide (2015) to measure the impact of truth commissions and illustrates both the opportunities they provide and their limitations.

This article examines the amnesty powers granted to a variety of truth commissions (TC). It considers whether the process by which TCs are able to recommend for perpetrators who cooperate with TCs (and usually provide truth) has ensured that such individuals come forward and cooperate with these institutions. This is decisive, as TCs everywhere experience difficulties in obtaining perpetrator cooperation and testimony. Crucially, unlike the South African TC, which had the power to directly grant amnesty, later TCs have only been able to recommend, to their governments, that amnesty be granted to specific persons who meet criteria laid out in the specific TC’s legal mandate. The article therefore examines the efficacy of TC amnesty powers in South Africa, Grenada, Indonesia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nepal, Timor-Leste/Indonesia, Liberia, Kenya, South Korea, and Timor-Leste. All these institutions had different provisions as to when, and for what reasons they could make a recommendation that amnesty be given (besides the South African TC which could directly grant amnesty). This article touches on some of the problems that may occur during such processes that need careful attention to ensure that perpetrators enter such conditional amnesty processes, and tell the truth once they do. The lessons learnt from the various TC amnesty processes are brought to the fore to determine what future TCs ought to bear in mind should it be decided to use conditional amnesty methods.

The Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) in Kenya was set up in the aftermath of the 2007/8 postelection violence with the mandate of providing a platform for those who had experienced political injustices. 5 The Fire This Time as an alternative repository of stories, memories, and versions of truths that could perhaps guide the country on a path of truth, justice, forgiveness and reconciliation. 5 to our understanding of the postelection violence hinges on the journal's retrieval of stories that evoke contrary memories to those in circulation, and in so doing, provide alternative accounts to the official government version of the causes of ethnic tensions and violence in Kenya.