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4,650 result(s) for "Religious icons"
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NINE RULES OF THE ICON PAINTER
Brown talks about the room and altar and weapon Adam used and the nine rules of the icon painter. Iconographers are said to write their icons using images and symbols rather than words and sentences. The first rule of the iconographer is: Before starting work, moke the sign of the Cross; pray in silence and pardon your enemies. from a place of honesty. The second rule of the iconographer: Work with care on every detail of your icon, as if you were working in front of the Lord Himself. Icons are not only portraits. They also depict the twelve major feasts of the church, as well as Biblical stories.
BEFORE AND AFTER THE IKON
This paper takes a critical look at the ikonic type of image, the “sacred image” as the “face” of the Eastern Christian tradition and the way it identifies itself, both aesthetically and ideologically. Is the union of the two inevitable and inseparable? Does this union still work? How and when did the ikon become the only possible artistic form of sacred representation for the Eastern Christian tradition? Has the ikon, with its origins in a form of art for which any mimetic (figurative and objective) representation becomes merely one among its many motifs—that is, in decorative art—has the ikon ever been art in the proper sense? Or has it merely been a type of visual practice, which, at some point, acquired independence and mobility, as did easel painting? Furthermore, how did this purely “designer” visual practice, this maniera greca , shape the aesthetics and even the artistic ethics of the Christian East?
Holy icon or sacred body? The image of the emperor in the iconoclastic controversy
Throughout Iconoclasm the imperial icon was used in iconophile writings as the major argument in support of icon veneration. It included images of the emperor reproduced in various media and even panel portraits. Although the latter have not survived, they were real objects with a strong presence in the Byzantine system of visual communication. This paper will show that that the role of the imperial icon in Byzantine imagery and image theory was closely connected to the perception of the emperor and of the sacred imperial power in Byzantium.
Rotting Bodies
Any community supposedly identified with a “single” kind of Christianity is likely to contain conflicts and divisions due to the different logics and temporalities associated, respectively, with ecclesiastical institutions, popular practices, and scriptural texts. These conflicts may extend even to basic ontological assumptions. This article looks at clashes concerning popular practices surrounding relics and icons in Eastern Orthodoxy. It asks what are the ethical stakes when people insist on the powers of material things even in the face of withering criticism and contempt from inside and outside their church. That criticism, which can have both theological and atheistic bases, often focuses on the allegedly instrumental reasoning and selfish motives of people who expect to receive divine intervention from objects such as relics and icons. I argue that popular practices that focus on the agency of objects may above all be responding to material properties as ethical affordances. These affordances provide ways of treating the world as ethically saturated. In the Eastern Orthodox context, this may be one way for ordinary villagers to take lofty theological claims about the divine nature of humans in concrete terms.
Sunan Kudus Construction as Religious Icon for the People of Kudus Regency
Kudus Regency is an interesting area to see its dynamics. Kudus Regency is known as the largest clove cigarette producing city in Central Java and is also known as the city of santri. This city was the center of the development of Islam in the Middle Ages. In the past, Kudus City was named Tajug City because in that area there were many Tajugs. Tajug used to be a place of worship for Hindus in the area. Sunan Kudus approached the residents of the city of Tajug by making the structure of the Menara Kudus Mosque in the form of Tajug. Kudus Regency is an area that inherited the existence of Sunan Kudus. Efforts to revitalize past glories are a representation. Existence by building the collective memory of the people of Kudus Regency is very important. This research uses ethnographic method. This study shows that there are three important things related to the construction of Sunan Kudus as a religious icon for the people of Kudus Regency. First, Sunan Kudus is an influential Islamic preacher. Second, the construction of the collective memory of the people of Kudus Regency is related to the existence of Sunan Kudus. Third, the material culture of Sunan Kudus can still be witnessed today.
\What is That to Us?\: The Eucharistic Liturgy and the Enemies of Christ in the Beam of the Passion
The Beam of the Passion, a painted pine beam created in early thirteenth-century Iberia for display above the eucharistic altar, unexpectedly depicts Judas's second encounter with the priests in its central Crucifixion scene. Even more surprisingly, the priests and ciders of first-century Jerusalem look like stereotypical African Muslims. Prior scholarship emphasizes the Beam's depictions of Muslims as Christ's enemies, but this work is not ultimately about Muslims. Rather, \"Moorish\" figures-like the Jewish figures they displace-play an instrumental role in an effort to bolster faith in Christ and the Eucharist. In this respect, the Beam's anomalous iconography illustrates a common dynamic within medieval anti-Jewish and anti-Muslim rhetoric, whose true focus is often a fellow Christian. The full significance of the Crucifixions Moorish figures and their dismissive quid ad nos becomes apparent through analysis of the Beam in its entirety within its architectural, liturgical, and political contexts.