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This article explores the development of mass Black migration plans to Hawai'i and the Philippines both before and after emancipation. Through a transnational archival collection, it analyzes the political, intellectual, social, and material conditions that Black activists and white statecrafters faced in their attempts to secure state funding for Black migration within an ever-expanding US empire. From Northern white abolitionist cotton planters in Hawai'i to radical Black socialists employed by the US state in the Philippines, the complexities of Black colonization in the Pacific offer a fresh look at a Civil War Era and a Black internationalism largely fixated on the Atlantic World. In the end, this article argues that colonization in the Black Pacific reveals a deep and abiding dialectic between US slavery and its overseas empire—a relationship too often obscured by the existing historiography.

This article showcases the understudied institutional Army, the generating force, as a critical prerequisite for overall strategic success. Competition, crisis, and conflict require more than the manned, trained, and equipped units that deploy. This article analyzes six case studies of institutional Army reforms over 160 years to examine adaptation in peace and war. The conclusions provide historical insights to inform current practices and fulfill the Armys articulated 2022 Institutional Strategy.

Civilian societies advocating a bold defense program were arguably the most visible manifestation of the American preparedness campaign in World War I. Though historians have acknowledged the significance of the broader preparedness movement in a number of studies, they have often marginalized its civilian branch in general and defense societies in particular. This article examines the structures, activities, and objectives of two major organizations active in the movement in order to challenge historiography's traditional view on preparedness. Exploring the key role of the National Security League and the American Defense Society between 1914 and 1920, the article presents two main arguments: First, civilian societies were not merely the appendix to a centralized campaign dominated by military professionals and politicians associated with the defense cause but acted as principal agents of preparedness. Second, the historiographic time frame of preparedness cannot be limited chronologically to America's years of neutrality but must include the period after April 1917.

Two rival conceptions for international organization circulated in America during World War I. The first and initially more popular was a “legalist‐sanctionist” league, intended to develop international legal code and obligate and enforce judicial settlement of disputes. The second was the League of Nations that came into being. This article traces the intellectual development and political reception of the former from 1914 to 1920. Theodore Roosevelt, Elihu Root, and William H. Taft were its most important architects and advocates. Like President Woodrow Wilson, they aimed to create an international polity without supranational authority. Unlike Wilson, they insisted on the codification of law and the necessity of physical sanction: the league had to enforce its word or not speak at all. Wilson fatally rejected legalist‐sanctionist ideas. Holding a thoroughgoing organicist understanding of political evolution, he and the League's British progenitors preferred international organization to center on a parliament of politicians divining the popular will and anticipating future needs, not a court of judges interpreting formal codes of law. A flexible model of organization carried over to the United Nations, the alternative forgotten by a world leader that now found it natural to subordinate law to politics.

In 1917 the United States Congress imposed citizenship on the inhabitants of Puerto Rico. It was a contingent citizenship subject to legal redefinition and tailored to Puerto Rico's colonial status within the U.S. empire. Many scholars have argued that racism was determinative in the decision to consign Puerto Ricans a diminished citizenship. But it is necessary to point out that the US. had crafted an adaptive racial narrative that distinguished among racialized people under its sovereignty in terms of their capacities for self-government and ability to comprehend Anglo-Saxon political and legal institutions. Moreover, in addition to racism, strategic considerations and territorial policies and legal precedents figured prominently in the decision to impose an unprecedented citizenship status on Puerto Ricans.

This article revisits the nature of American expansionism in the Progressive Era. It contends that the figure of Evelyn Baring, the first Earl of Cromer, and the British \"Veiled Protectorate\" over Egypt shaped the internal American retention debate regarding the Philippines in terms directly compatible with the political dichotomy between liberal advocacy of \"self-government\" and conservative calls for \"good government\" that lay at the heart of British imperial policy. It further argues that prior British imperial experience and political thought were consistently rhetorically privileged by American administrators within the trans-imperial marketplace of ideas surrounding colonial governance. In doing so, it builds on previous transnational and comparative scholarship on U.S. imperialism of this period, typified by the work of Paul A. Kramer and Frank Schumacher. It rejects renewed exceptionalist attempts to artificially isolate American colonial state-building via Jeremi Suri's \"Nation-Building\" paradigm and the \"American Umpire\" concept recently advanced by Elizabeth Cobbs Hoffman.

Historian Nancy Cott has shown that the word \"feminism\" came into wider use approximately a century ago.7 In 1913 the word appeared more widely in journals and newspapers,8 and the alternative vision of an independent \"new woman\" gained more prominence and respectability.9 Women's second-class citizenship had been justified by appealing to the sense of meaning and identity found in the traditional family and its status as the key unit in the polity.10 Husbands and fathers leading the family were considered to be the proper political representatives protecting the interests of women and children.11 In this way, women's civic membership was defined by their adherence to the tenets of true womanhood and their roles in the traditional family.12 Many suffragists exemplified the traits of the \"new woman\" and were ardent feminists, intent on overturning gendered prescriptions regarding marriage, family, and sexual propriety.13 Other suffragists - Alice Paul most prominent among them - preferred to avoid broader feminist claims in order to unify suffragists around a single goal: the pursuit of woman suffrage.14 Rather than promote feminist themes, Paul made effective, strategic use of conventional gender norms throughout her campaign - highlighting traditional female virtues and exceptional beauty in the Woman Suffrage Parade of 1913; sending valentines to members of Congress; featuring emotional tributes after the death of suffragist Inez Milholland; publicizing the injuries of vulnerable, suffering suffragist pickets; and the like.15 Yet at the same time, she sent out young and single paid female organizers to speak publicly throughout the country, employed paid female lobbyists to directly challenge politicians to support suffrage and to threaten them with organized reprisals, and projected to the public a sense of unyielding determination during the wartime picketing of the White House.16 Her pairing of feminine vulnerability with ruthlessly combative determination proved to be extraordinarily effective.