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The most significant challenge to the post-Cold War international order is the growing power of ambitious states opposed to the West. Iran, Russia and China each view the global structure through the prism of historical experience. Rejecting the universality of Western liberal values, these states and their governments each consider the relative decline of Western economic hegemony as an opportunity. Yet cooperation between them remains fragmentary. The end of Western sanctions and the Iranian nuclear deal; the Syrian conflict; new institutions in Central and East Asia: in all these areas and beyond, the potential for unity or divergence is striking. In this new and comprehensive study, Ariane Tabatabai and Dina Esfandiary address the substance of this `triple axis' in the realms of energy, trade, and military security. In particular they scrutinise Iran-Russia and the often overlooked field of Iran-China relations. Their argument - that interactions between the three will shape the world stage for decades to come - will be of interest to anyone looking to understand the contemporary international security puzzle.

one photo of a hostage in Iran

one photo of an Iranian woman at a demonstration by Atta Kenare

one map of Iran's nuclear sites by Joe LeMonnier

one map and timeline of nuclear nations by Leigh Haeger

Relations between Russia and the United States have deteriorated to their most dangerous point in decades. The current situation is not, as many have dubbed it, a new Cold War. But no one should draw much comfort from the ways in which today's standoff differs from the earlier one. The quantitative nuclear arms race is over, but Russia and the United States have begun a new qualitative arms race in nuclear delivery vehicles, missile defenses, and digital weapons. The two countries are no longer engulfed in proxy wars, but over the last decade, Russia has demonstrated less and less restraint in its use of military power. The worldwide ideological struggle between capitalism and communism is history, but Russian President Vladimir Putin has anointed himself the leader of a renewed nationalist, conservative movement fighting a decadent West. To spread these ideas, the Russian government has made huge investments in television and radio stations, social media networks, and Internet \"troll farms,\" and it has spent lavishly in support of like-minded politicians abroad. The best description of the current hostilities is not cold war but hot peace.Washington must accept that Putin is here to stay and won't end his assault on Western democracy and multilateral institutions anytime soon. To deal with the threat, the United States desperately needs a new bipartisan grand strategy. It must find ways to contain the Kremlin's economic, military, and political influence and to strengthen democratic allies, and it must work with the Kremlin when doing so is truly necessary and freeze it out when it is not. But above all, Washington must be patient. As long as Putin remains in power, changing Russia will be close to impossible. The best Washington can hope for in most cases is to successfully restrain Moscow's actions abroad while waiting for Russia to change from within.

\"There were times during the post-Soviet lean years of the Russian space program that it became hard to believe this was the same program that spawned Sputnik and Yuri Gagarin. Russian space exploration spent the 1990s with hat in hand. When it wasn't asking for handouts from the United States, it was planning to sell seats on Soyuz missions to those who could cough up $20 million.\" (Chicago Tribune) Learn how the Columbia space shuttle disaster in February 2003 will affect the Russian space program. The space program's financial challenges and increased role in the development of the International Space Station are discussed.

In this article, author Robert D. Blackwill asks the following question: \"How important is Russia's cooperation in the next several years on issues clearly most connected to American and allied vital national interests?\" (National Interest) Blackwill argues that Russia will be a valuable resource when dealing with a possible nuclear Iran. Because of this, the United States should stop trying to reform Russia into an American-style democracy and focus on building strong relations with Russia as an international negotiating partner.

\"President Bush was unable...to win from Russian President Vladimir Putin a commitment to aid U.S. forces in Iraq or a pledge to end Russian assistance to Iran's nuclear-power program. While the two leaders underscored what they termed a close diplomatic and personal relationship, the meeting at Camp David nevertheless pointed up sharp differences between the nations and Bush's ongoing difficulty in rallying world support behind U.S. efforts in Iraq.\" (Chicago Tribune) Learn about the issues Bush and Putin discussed during their meeting. Russia's positions on a nuclear program in Iran and providing aid to Iraq are explained.

The evidence: sales of sophisticated air-defense systems to Tehran to defend nuclear sites; continued work to complete Iran's nuclear reactor at Bushehr and, more recently, the first deliveries of fuel so that Bushehr can commence operation this fall; dogged resistance to tough sanctions against Iran at the UN Security Council and a go-slow approach to adopting even mild ones. Under President Putin, Moscow's policy toward Iran's nuclear program has been dominated by two concerns: first, maintaining insight into the program to assess Iran's intentions and capabilities with regard to nuclear weapons; and second, preventing a military operation against Iran's nuclear facilities, which Moscow believes would be both profoundly destabilizing and unsuccessful.