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This article cautions against the strong impulse in the #MeToo movement to desexualize politics. Informed by queer theory, the article argues that the public desexualization imperative, represented by indignation toward President Donald Trump's pussy-grabbing antics and the concomitant, albeit justified, movement to expose decades of his sexual harassment of women, casts a shadow across queer citizens that chills sexual expression in democratic discourse and public life. The public desexualization imperative presents a double bind that creates, on one hand, public spaces that are less threatening and discriminatory to women and, on the other, public spaces that—from a queer white cisgender man's perspective, one whose only “marking” is his sexuality—erase queers’ valued differences. The author uses personal narrative to describe and apply tools (conceptualized as fagchild tools) that help navigate tensions between women's equality movements and queer efforts to gain fuller, more open sexual citizenship. The article focuses, first, on softening the body politic (implicitly a white cisgender heterosexual male body) to provide sociopolitical space for sexual pluralism. Second, the article uses the sexualization of House Speaker Paul Ryan to argue that making space for queer sexualities may require accommodating the expression of nonqueer sexualities, including those that most of us find offensive.

Gill Scott Heron, you spoke of Winter in America But the winter in America is not As cold as the winter in Paul Ryans soul Paul Ryan is so cold that the Penguins honored him with an ice statue Paul Ryan is so cold that when His colleagues have a meeting with Him they bring space heaters Paul Ryan is so cold that when He breathes on somebody they Get frost bitten Paul Ryan is so cold that his Nickname in high school was 32 Degrees F Or simply 32 Paul Ryan is so cold that Buffalo in December is his Idea of a vacation Paul Ryan is so cold that Jack Frost sued him for Identity theft Paul Ryan told a dying man No more medicine for you We need that bed for vip Your bill is way overdue Insurance companies Pay my way? All of my colleagues Are up for sale Owned by the guys Who are too big to jail When I go out to dine on crab The Kochs, and Big Pharma Pick up the Tab Paul Ryan drinks a Wine called Echezeaux Grand Cru 350 a bottle to order to you a long way from Janesville, WL, population 62,640 When he cuts the safety net You'll fall in love with pigeon stew You'll be scouring through Garbage cans for food of any description You'll become shoplifters In drugstores to fill your prescriptions All of you marks who voted for trump You'll be sub primed and thrown out On your fat spoiled hateful rumps I'm taking away your Social security he told The seniors who Get their news from Fox you'd better hold On to your puny savings To pay for that final box God forbid your kids get Sick from the chicken pox You'd better have some money to spare Because Paul Ryan repealed Obamacare Paul Ryan is so cold that the Penguins dedicated an ice statue to him He's going to privatize your Medicare He's going to privatize Your cat If you don't watch out He might even privatize your Mama now what do you Think about that Now, do you miss Barack Obama? Paul Ryan is a cold cold dude He has an ice box for a Heart He does his abs in capitol gym To trim away his flab but he hogs all he can from Big oil and big gas The 1 & own his skinny ass He's so inhuman that he's Never used the loo He doesn't have ice in his veins He's lacking in veins And in blood cells too Ice Tea won't get anywhere near Paul Ryan Nor will Ice Cube And when the Republican party Melts down all of the ice the Only glaciers remaining Will be found in Paul Ryans eyes But this altar boy will face his God one day And she'll say you got the wrong Address Representative Paul Ryan You need to head another way Paul Ryan is so cold that the Penguins dedicated an ice statue to him Paul Ryan is so cold that when His colleagues have a meeting with Him they bring space heaters Paul Ryan is so cold that when He breathes on somebody they Get frost bitten.

The conservative, Republican-voting Catholic usually joined a firm view on abortion and marriage to a more unstable view of the welfare state, one that sometimes tried to correct right-wing libertarianism, sometimes looked for a religious way to justify it, and sometimes promoted a corporatism that owed more to the Chamber of Commerce than to the social doctrine of the Church. Intellectually, the equivalent polarization was between \"Commonweal Catholicism\" and \"First Things Catholicism\"-between a more theologically liberal Catholic perspective, which emphasized a \"seamless garment\" theory of the Church's social teaching as a reason to support the Democratic party despite its position on abortion, and a more theologically conservative perspective, which found its home in the GOP as that party became more consistently pro-life and found its moment of maximal political influence in the evangelical presidency of George W. Bush. Because this insurgency is not exactly visible as yet, the practical impact of their ideas remains uncertain. [...]the integralists are engaged in at least two real-world projects: pushing Church officials toward a more vigorous assertion of the Church's legal rights and juridical power over the faithful, and pushing both populist and neoconservative Catholics toward a more fully Catholic politics and a more aggressive use of state power.

President Barack Obama explains why Republicans’ plan to repeal the Affordable Care Act with no plan to replace and improve it is so reckless: doing so would jeopardize financial security and access to care for tens of millions of Americans. Health care policy often shifts when the country’s leadership changes. That was true when I took office, and it will likely be true with President-elect Donald Trump. I am proud that my administration’s work, through the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and other policies, helped millions more Americans know the security of health care in a system that is more effective and efficient. At the same time, there is more work to do to ensure that all Americans have access to high-quality, affordable health care. What the past 8 years have taught us is that health care reform requires an evidence-based, . . .

Analysis of U.S. experience with a pre-Medicaid financing system suggests that Speaker of the House Paul Ryan’s proposal for per capita caps in Medicaid would result in restrictions on coverage and benefits rather than state innovations to reduce program costs. In the summer of 2016, Representative Paul Ryan (R-WI) released “A Better Way,” a wide-ranging proposal that included a plan for reforming Medicaid. Its fate depended heavily on the presidential election, and now that Republicans hold majorities in both the Senate and the House of Representatives and Donald Trump is President, Ryan’s plan seems much more likely to become reality. The proposal would eliminate many aspects of the Affordable Care Act and make fundamental changes to the entire Medicaid program by setting a limit — a per capita cap — on federal Medicaid spending. A per capita cap is intended . . .

Health care reform in the United States is headed backward. It is uncertain which parts of the Affordable Care Act will survive past 2017 and what will follow it. What is certain is that Obamacare as we know it will end. Donald Trump’s triumph in the 2016 presidential election marks the beginning of an uncertain and tumultuous chapter in U.S. health policy. In the election’s aftermath, the immediate question is this: Can Republicans make good on their pledge to repeal Obamacare? The Affordable Care Act (ACA) has persisted largely thanks to President Barack Obama’s protection. With Trump in the White House and Republicans maintaining House and Senate majorities, that protection is gone. Obamacare’s vulnerability reflects not only the 2016 election results, but also its shallow political roots. The ACA has achieved much, including a large reduction in the uninsured population. Still, . . .

Many US universities waive tuition fees for students who conduct research or teach. But a provision in a tax bill passed by the US House of Representatives in mid-November would add that tuition to students' taxable income. The vote prompted demonstrations at more than 60 US universities on 29 November.