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Eight years after the 'Arab Spring', literature is still marked by techno-deterministic interpretations. This article contributes to examining the role of agenda-building processes just before the outbreak of the Egyptian uprising in 2011 within authoritarian systems. Using the 'hybrid media system' concept, the article not only focuses on new media effects but, by including print media, it takes into consideration the media system in its entirety. Focusing on Khaled Said's case as a counter-issue, the qualitative content analysis investigates how challengers in Egypt successfully pushed the media salience of police torture onto the mainstream media agenda. By reconstructing the issue cycle and intermedia spill-over effects, the author investigates the agenda-building processes within hybrid media systems in Arab authoritarian contexts. The qualitative content analysis includes 415 articles and posts from 12 diverse print, online and social media outlets between June 2010 and January 2011. The central finding is that successful spill-over effects occurred from online media to private print media, even though state media tried to ignore the issue. The coverage transferred the issue's salience from new media into mainstream media, thus reaching wider non-politicized audiences. These proven interlinkages between old and new media are often an overlooked aspect in the literature on media and the 'Arab Spring'.

En este artículo se presentan los resultados de un análisis del discurso visual de la versión en inglés de la cuenta de Facebook “We are all Khaled Said”, cuyo original en árabe aglutinó a gran parte de la disidencia egipcia durante la revolución de 2010-2011. La investigación tiene por objetivo identificar a los actores, los temas y las palabras predominantes, así como el desarrollo de dos narrativas visuales, con el fin de conocer la manera en que esta red sociodigital contribuyó al movimiento que derivó en la deposición del presidente Hosni Mubarak. This paper summarizes the results of an analysis of the visual discourse of an English version of Facebook web page “We are all Khaled Said”. The original Arabic web page played an important role in bringing together much of the Egyptian dissent during the revolution of 2010-2011. The study aims to identify the actors, themes and dominant spoken vocabulary, as well as examining two visual narratives, in order to understand how this socio-digital network contributed to the movement that led to the deposition of President Hosni Mubarak.

This study analyzes how the owner of the Facebook Arabic page “We Are All Khaled Said” both catalyzed and took advantage of opportunities in the Egyptian political climate in order to help promote the country’s 2011 revolution. Using a content analysis of posts on the Facebook page before and throughout the Egyptian revolution, the case study finds that the owner of the page, Wael Ghonim, served as a long-term trainer or coach, educating his online followers about the abuses of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak’s regime and helping them gradually become more comfortable with political activism, so that when a triggering event—the Tunisian revolution—occurred, he was able to move his followers into the streets to protest. Two other particularly successful tactics were utilized by Ghonim: He capitalized on a powerful personal story—that of a young man brutally killed by the police—in order to elicit emotion and help others identify with the cause, and he used lofty rhetoric to convince his followers that their actions could actually make a difference. The case study disproves Gladwell’s (2010) claim that social media is a platform for shallow and networked interactions, finding both that the grievances and ideas shared on this page were remarkably substantive and that the movement was not a network but rather a hierarchy, led by Ghonim until his imprisonment. The study suggests that social media is a more powerful platform for promoting political change than previously appreciated and offers important lessons for political activists.

During the central period of the Egyptian Revolution-generally recognized as the eighteen days between January 25 and February 11, 2011 - as well as the months that followed, mainstream Egyptian and US media discourses reified patriarchal nationalist notions of mothering and revolution. One story, like many popular accounts of the Arab Spring, used images of mothers and children to underscore the point that all sectors of society participated, the implication being that even mothers - those subjects most \"unpolitical,\" \"innocent,\" and \"unknowing,\" even those most \"sacred,\" most disconnected from public space, and most closely connected to domestic reproductive labor-took to the streets. A related narrative that circulated internationally focused on the mothers of martyrs brutally killed by the Mubarak regime. This figure sensationalized the regime's violence against the people of Egypt through the ultimate icon of human suffering-the grieving mother. This essay disrupts such imagery by \"unsentimentalizing mothering\" and exploring its radical potential within the context of revolution.

The Egyptian Revolution began on Jan 25, 2011 -- \"Police Day\" -- a public holiday that commemorates the role of the police in the resistance against the British occupation in Egypt. It started as a day of protest called for by a number of youth groups and activists. The organizers of the protests on that day wanted to subvert the celebration of the police and turn the day into an occasion to indict the institution in charge of policing -- in a sense, putting it on public trial. By its very design, the police apparatus in Egypt is intrusive and represents a semimilitary body. The use of overt violence in police practices of government both heightened and complicated this intrusiveness. Drawing on the author's fieldwork in Cairo's new popular quarters and in informal markets, the author will sketch out the patterns of interaction with the police and the structure of feelings toward the government of the police that developed in the processes of interaction. Adapted from the source document.

Facebook's \"fire\" - once used to light the way toward democracy - now fuels polarization, not just in Egypt but across the globe. [...]the gospel we share is not another brand competing for attention. Every sermon, newsletter, social media post, podcast and prayer can become an act of holy communication - a transmission of peace in a frequency dominated by noise.

Thirty years of research have identified common facets of social movements that challenge and change government systems. As researchers interested in young people's civic and political engagement, the authors took notice of the uprising which began in Egypt with a massive demonstration on Jan 25, 2011. This particular rally was prefaced by six months of peaceful vigils that had been mounted in honor of Khaled Said, a young Alexandrian man who was beaten to death by security police in June 2010. Despite the ongoing flux and uncertainty, the data collected during the first phase of the revolution are important. They reveal firsthand what the youth were thinking, feeling, and doing as they moved from behind their keyboards into the street where their ideas were turned into action and their words were transformed into the collective experience of remaking Egyptian history. In this article, the authors organize some of that insight in four areas common to understanding revolutions: 1. grievance, 2. organizational resources, 3. ideology, and 4. opportunity.