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Saudi Arabia will allow 1,053 medical trainees to continue their training in Canada, despite a diplomatic dispute between the countries. Early this month, Saudi Arabia recalled its medical residents and fellows after Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland urged the kingdom to release jailed human-rights activists. This week, however, Saudi Arabia told the trainees they could stay in Canada until they find alternative placements in other countries. Those who have already left Canada or taken a leave of absence may also return to their posts. Thousands of other Saudi students studying in Canada will still have to leave the country.

After early online release of this editorial on August 21, the Saudi government granted extensions to the affected residents and fellows to continue their medical training in Canada until further arrangements are made.

This paper discusses how Turkey's bilateral relations with Saudi Arabia and Qatar have changed after the Arab Spring erupted and assesses how the Syrian conflict affected them. The paper argues that Turkey had developed excellent relations with Saudi Arabia and Qatar in the 2000s, but eventually fell out with Saudi Arabia and strengthened its relations with Qatar as the Arab Spring unfolded. The Syrian conflict, in which the three countries colluded to overthrow the Assad regime, has alleviated the deleterious impact of the differences between Saudi Arabia and Turkey on the bilateral relations or, to put it in another way, slowed down the deterioration of Turkey-Saudi Arabia relations. The paper also argues that the geopolitical landscape that pushed Turkey and Saudi Arabia apart also pushed Turkey and Qatar closer.

This paper investigates the policies of both Ankara and Riyadh toward the ongoing crisis between Qatar and the Saudi-led quartet since mid-2017. The crisis has shaken the balance in the region and laid the foundation for new understandings regarding Gulf unity and regional order. On these grounds, it is worth examining the stances of regional actors through different approaches of foreign policy. By using the “three-dimensional” methodology of Kenneth Waltz, this paper analyzes the rationale behind Turkish and Saudi policy toward the Gulf crisis on individual-, state-, and international-based levels since these two countries are among the most influential actors in the region. It argues that Turkish and Saudi approaches can confront each other if the regional developments carry an ideological nature, as in the case of the Gulf crisis.

Ever since the 1973 Saudi-led Arab oil boycott, relations between the US and Saudi Arabia have been pummeled by periodic crises that have left American analysts wondering whether its oldest alliance in the Middle East is nearing the tipping point. As in 1973, the issue today is Saudi use of its oil muscle as a foreign policy tool against America. Once again, too, its effect has been spiraling gasoline prices feeding the highest inflation rate American consumers have endured in decades. Here, Ottaway examines the causes of the current crisis in US-Saudi relations.

This article explains the active policies adopted by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) towards the Horn of Africa, which could be attributed to the existence of rival regional powers, especially Iran and Turkey, and their adoption of policies deemed threatening to Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. It uses “alliance politics” to explain how both countries are containing regional threats by building alliances with countries in the Horn of Africa by promoting military and trade relations and boosting development.