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"Segregation in education"
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After Brown
The United States Supreme Court's 1954 landmark decision,Brown v. Board of Education, set into motion a process of desegregation that would eventually transform American public schools. This book provides a comprehensive and up-to-date assessment of howBrown's most visible effect--contact between students of different racial groups--has changed over the fifty years since the decision.
Using both published and unpublished data on school enrollments from across the country, Charles Clotfelter uses measures of interracial contact, racial isolation, and segregation to chronicle the changes. He goes beyond previous studies by drawing on heretofore unanalyzed enrollment data covering the first decade afterBrown, calculating segregation for metropolitan areas rather than just school districts, accounting for private schools, presenting recent information on segregation within schools, and measuring segregation in college enrollment.
Two main conclusions emerge. First, interracial contact in American schools and colleges increased markedly over the period, with the most dramatic changes occurring in the previously segregated South. Second, despite this change, four main factors prevented even larger increases: white reluctance to accept racially mixed schools, the multiplicity of options for avoiding such schools, the willingness of local officials to accommodate the wishes of reluctant whites, and the eventual loss of will on the part of those who had been the strongest protagonists in the push for desegregation. Thus decreases in segregation within districts were partially offset by growing disparities between districts and by selected increases in private school enrollment.
eBook
Educations in ethnic violence : identity, educational bubbles, and resource mobilization
\"In Educations in Ethnic Violence, Matthew Lange explores the effects education has on ethnic violence. Lange contradicts the widely held belief that education promotes peace and tolerance. Rather, Lange finds that education commonly contributes to aggression, especially in environments with ethnic divisions, limited resources and ineffective political institutions. He describes four ways in which organized learning spurs ethnic conflicts. Socialization in school shapes students' identities and the norms governing intercommunal relations. Education can also increase students' frustration and aggression when their expectations are not met. Sometimes, the competitive atmosphere gives students an incentive to participate in violence. Finally, education provides students with superior abilities to mobilize violent ethnic movements. Lange employs a cross-national statistical analysis with case studies of Sri Lanka, Cyprus, the Palestinian territories, India, sub-Saharan Africa, Canada and Germany\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
School resegregation
Confronting a reality that many policy makers would prefer to ignore, contributors to this volume offer the latest information on the trend toward the racial and socioeconomic resegregation of southern schools. In the region that has achieved more widespread public school integration than any other since 1970, resegregation, combined with resource inequities and the current \"accountability movement,\" is now bringing public education in the South to a critical crossroads.In thirteen essays, leading thinkers in the field of race and public education present not only the latest data and statistics on the trend toward resegregation but also legal and policy analysis of why these trends are accelerating, how they are harmful, and what can be done to counter them. What's at stake is the quality of education available to both white and nonwhite students, they argue. This volume will help educators, policy makers, and concerned citizens begin a much-needed dialogue about how America can best educate its increasingly multiethnic student population in the twenty-first century.Contributors:Karen E. Banks, Wake County Public School System, Raleigh, N.C.John Charles Boger, University of North Carolina School of LawErwin Chemerinsky, Duke Law SchoolCharles T. Clotfelter, Duke UniversitySusan Leigh Flinspach, University of California, Santa CruzErica Frankenberg, Harvard Graduate School of EducationCatherine E. Freeman, U.S. Department of EducationJay P. Heubert, Teachers College, Columbia UniversityJennifer Jellison Holme, University of California, Los AngelesMichal Kurlaender, Harvard Graduate School of EducationHelen F. Ladd, Duke UniversityLuis M. Laosa, Kingston, N.J.Jacinta S. Ma, U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity CommissionRoslyn Arlin Mickelson, University of North Carolina at CharlotteGary Orfield, Harvard Graduate School of EducationGregory J. Palardy, University of Georgiajohn a. powell, Ohio State UniversitySean F. Reardon, Stanford UniversityRussell W. Rumberger, University of California, Santa BarbaraBenjamin Scafidi, Georgia State UniversityDavid L. Sjoquist, Georgia State UniversityJacob L. Vigdor, Duke UniversityAmy Stuart Wells, Teachers College, Columbia UniversityJohn T. Yun, University of California, Santa Barbara
eBook
Brown in Baltimore
In the first book to present the history of Baltimore school desegregation, Howell S. Baum shows how good intentions got stuck on what Gunnar Myrdal called the \"American Dilemma.\" Immediately after the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, the city's liberal school board voted to desegregate and adopted a free choice policy that made integration voluntary.
Baltimore's school desegregation proceeded peacefully, without the resistance or violence that occurred elsewhere. However, few whites chose to attend school with blacks, and after a few years of modest desegregation, schools resegregated and became increasingly segregated. The school board never changed its policy. Black leaders had urged the board to adopt free choice and, despite the limited desegregation, continued to support the policy and never sued the board to do anything else.
Baum finds that American liberalism is the key to explaining how this happened. Myrdal observed that many whites believed in equality in the abstract but considered blacks inferior and treated them unequally. School officials were classical liberals who saw the world in terms of individuals, not races. They adopted a desegregation policy that explicitly ignored students' race and asserted that all students were equal in freedom to choose schools, while their policy let whites who disliked blacks avoid integration. School officials' liberal thinking hindered them from understanding or talking about the city's history of racial segregation, continuing barriers to desegregation, and realistic change strategies.
From the classroom to city hall, Baum examines how Baltimore's distinct identity as a border city between North and South shaped local conversations about the national conflict over race and equality. The city's history of wrestling with the legacy of Brown reveals Americans' preferred way of dealing with racial issues: not talking about race. This avoidance, Baum concludes, allows segregation to continue.
eBook
The Hardest Deal of All
Race has shaped public education in the Magnolia State, from Reconstruction through the Carter Administration. ForThe Hardest Deal of All: The Battle Over School Integration in Mississippi, 1870-1980Charles C. Bolton mines newspaper accounts, interviews, journals, archival records, legal and financial documents, and other sources to uncover the complex story of one of Mississippi's most significant and vexing issues.
This history closely examines specific events--the after-math of theBrown v. Board of Educationdecision, the 1966 protests and counter-demonstrations in Grenada, and the efforts of particular organizations--and carefully considers the broader picture.
Despite a \"separate but equal\" doctrine established in the late nineteenth century, the state's racially divided school systems quickly developed vast differences in terms of financing, academic resources, teacher salaries, and quality of education. As one of the nation's poorest states, Mississippi could not afford to finance one school system adequately, much less two. For much of the twentieth century, whites fought hard to preserve the dual school system, in which the maintenance of one-race schools became the most important measure of educational quality. Blacks fought equally hard to end segregated schooling, realizing that their schools would remain underfunded and understaffed as long as they were not integrated.
Charles C. Bolton is professor and chair of history and co-director of the Center for Oral History and Cultural Heritage at the University of Southern Mississippi in Hattiesburg. He is the coauthor ofMississippi: An Illustrated Historyand coeditor ofThe Confessions of Edward Isham: A Poor White Life of the Old South. Bolton's work has also appeared in theJournal of Southern History,Journal of Mississippi History, andMississippi Folklife.
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The first step : how one girl put segregation on trial
Tells the story of four-year-old Sarah Roberts, the first Afr ican American girl to try to integrate a white school, and how her experience in 1847 set greater change in motion.
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The Marion Thompson Wright reader
In The Marion Thompson Wright Reader, acclaimed historian Graham Russell Hodges provides a scholarly, accessible introduction to a modern edition of Marion Thompson Wright's classic book, The Education of Negroes in New Jersey and to her full body of scholarly work. First published in 1941 by Teachers College Press, Thompson's landmark study has been out of print for decades. Such rarity understates the book's importance. Thompson's major book and her life are significant for the histories of New Jersey, African Americans, local and national, women's and education history. Drawing upon Wright's work, existing scholarship, and new archival research, this new landmark scholarly edition, which includes an all-new biography of this pioneering scholar, underscores the continued relevance of Marion Thompson Wright.
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