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This review provides a critical appraisal of the measurement of students' social class and socioeconomic status (SES) in the context of widening higher education participation. Most assessments of social class and SES in higher education have focused on objective measurements based on the income, occupation, and education of students' parents, and they have tended to overlook diversity among students based on factors such as age, ethnicity, indigeneity, and rurality. However, recent research in psychology and sociology has stressed the more subjective and intersectional nature of social class. The authors argue that it is important to consider subjective self-definitions of social class and SES alongside more traditional objective measures. The implications of this dual measurement approach for higher education research are discussed.

The present article intends to examine how ethnic minority group members account for their ethnic identity as part of a series of interviews with young Mapuches on what it means to be Mapuche in contemporary Chilean society. The focus is on the actual accomplishment and display of ethnic self-definition and group identification. We draw on insights from discursive psychology to explore some features of common-sense practical reasoning that ethnic minority group members use to negotiate, self-ascribe or resist a particular sense of identity, and to produce observable and reportable identities. We have a particular interest in illustrating how ethnic self-definition can be seen as the contingent outcome of a practical and interpretive issue for members of society, with a special focus on how ethnic minority identity is constructed through the flexible use of group-defining attributes and characteristics, categories and common-sense categorial knowledge. We suggest that understanding the complex significance and meaning of ethnic self-definition for minority group members is dependent on engaging closely with its occasioned context of production and treating social identities as a feature of how people describe themselves. It is argued that this view of ethnic minority self-definition as a practical and interpretive issue and as a discursive product in action can provide a further contribution to literature of both discursive and intercultural studies of ethnic identification of minority groups, intercultural and interethnic relations.

Fourth-century Christianity and the Council of Nicaea have continually been read as a Constantinian narrative. The dominancy of imperial Christianity has been a consequent feature of the established narrative regarding the events within early Christianity. There is a case for a revisionist enquiry regarding the influence of the emperor in the formation of orthodoxy. The role of bishops and its political characterisation had definitive implications upon Christianity as it would seem. Recent revisions on Constantine by Leithart and Barnes incited the enquiry. The enquiry was made possible through document analysis; this mainly took the form of a literature study. The orthodoxy that emerged at Nicaea in 325 CE was reflective of the political–orthodoxy trajectory that Christianity took beyond the 4th century. Between imperial intervention and clerical polities, one was a definitive dynamic to the then emergent Christianity. The influence of the emperor, which was an apparently definitive feature characterising the era, was compositely relevant as a catalyst in the formation of the Christianity that emerged during the 4th century. The implication that centuries before the Council of Nicaea Christianity had been characterised by significant phases of socio-cultural dynamics relegates the influence of the emperor. The emperor Constantine and his association with the Council of Nicaea characterised an era of imperial ecclesiastical politics in Christianity, and so did the Jewish–Christian Schism and a monarchical episcopate that shaped the orthodox matrix of the church. This research deduced that the function of imperial intervention should be analysed in conjunction with diverse factors characterising the Christianity emergent at Nicaea, particularly ecclesiastical polities.

Prior research indicates that experiences bring greater happiness than material possessions, but which experiences result in the greatest happiness? The current investigation is one of the first to categorize types of experiences and highlights one important distinction: the extent to which an experience is ordinary (common and frequent) versus extraordinary (uncommon and infrequent). Eight studies examine the experiences individuals recall, plan, imagine, and post on Facebook finding that the happiness enjoyed from ordinary and extraordinary experiences depends on age. Younger people, who view their future as extensive, gain more happiness from extraordinary experiences; however, ordinary experiences become increasingly associated with happiness as people get older, such that they produce as much happiness as extraordinary experiences when individuals have limited time remaining. Self-definition drives these effects: although extraordinary experiences are self-defining throughout one’s life span, as people get older they increasingly define themselves by the ordinary experiences that comprise their daily lives.

The psychological relationship between individual and organization has been conceptualized both in terms of identification and in terms of (affective) commitment. In the present study, we explore the differences between these two conceptualizations. Building on the proposition that identification is different from commitment in that identification reflects the self-definitional aspect of organizational membership whereas commitment does not, we propose that commitment is more contingent on social exchange processes that presume that individual and organization are separate entities psychologically, and more closely aligned with (other) job attitudes. In support of these propositions, results of a cross-sectional survey of university faculty (n = 133) showed that identification is uniquely aligned (i.e., controlling for affective commitment) with the self-referential aspect of organizational membership, whereas commitment is uniquely related (i.e., controlling for identification) to perceived organizational support, job satisfaction, and turnover intentions. We conclude that the core difference between identification and commitment lies in the implied relationship between individual and organization: Identification reflects psychological oneness, commitment reflects a relationship between separate psychological entities.

The generalized magnetizing curve series for the nonlinear magnetic circuit is proposed. Subsequently, three definitions of selfinductance for the nonlinear magnetic circuit are compared. The passivity of the magnetic circuit is reconsidered. Three theorems that describe features of Fourier harmonics of distorted waveforms have been proved.

Motivation toward mathematics may vary depending on sociodemographic factors, such as gender, age and ethnicity. This study aims to determine the correlation level between motivation toward mathematics and students’ gender, age and ethnicity in Upper Basic Education. Additionally, it seeks to identify whether there are significant differences in motivation across various groups within these sociodemographic variables. This correlational and descriptive study employed the Astudillo-Villalba et al. test, consisting of 31 indicators distributed across two dimensions: intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. The study population included 25,005 Basic Education students from Imbabura Province (Ecuador), with a probabilistic sample of 2032 students who completed the instrument. Results indicate that motivation toward mathematics is associated with gender and age (p value > 0.05); moreover, there are significant differences in motivation among independent sample groups of gender and age. It is concluded that sociodemographic factors must be considered in motivating students toward studying mathematics to enhance teaching and learning processes.

Politically unaffiliated, or “independent,” voters are accorded great importance in electoral contexts because of their presumed persuadability. However, this category remains poorly defined. Using online survey data collected after the 2018 U.S. midterm elections (Study 1) and 2020 U.S. general election (Study 2), we separate political independents into distinct subcategories based on language used to describe their political beliefs and behavior, and analyze their motivations using open-ended self-justifications, the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, and political engagement measures. We identified three distinct groups of independents. Pure Independents self-identified as “independent” and lingered between the liberal and conservative poles on virtually all political engagement and moral foundations measures. Default Independents, unaffiliated participants who did not self-identify as “independent” and were low on moral foundations and political engagement measures. Fake Independents, unaffiliated participants who voted straight-ticket, provided results similar to Liberals and viewed the Democratic Party as the only voting option available. These data show the diversity of those who claim political independence and offer insights into conceptualizing political independence.

The article explores the right to cultural identity, advocating for the freedom to choose and change cultural affiliations as a critical human right. It emphasizes that while cultural identity is essential for human dignity and personal freedom, this right remains underexplored in contemporary human rights discourse, leading to the essentialization of culture and neglecting its dynamic nature. By promoting the recognition of the freedom to redefine cultural identity, the article positions this freedom as crucial to human rights. It supports this view with key international legal instruments and examines relevant case law from the European Court of Human Rights and other bodies. Significant cases, including Ciubotaru v. Moldova and Sandra Lovelace v. Canada, illustrate the challenges individuals face in changing their identities and highlight existing legal protections. Ultimately, recognizing this right ensures respect for personal growth and evolving worldviews under human rights law.

Nearly one-third to one-half of U.S. women meets the medical criteria for infertility at some point in their reproductive lives. Yet many do not view lack of conception as problematic. Why might some women self-identify as having a fertility problem but others do not? Using two waves of the National Survey of Fertility Barriers, we conducted binary and longitudinal multinomial logistic regression to answer this question. Results suggest that only a portion of women actually experience infertility as a \"spoiled identity\" or as disruptive to their lives. Rather, consistent with symbolic interactionist perspectives, there is evidence that infertility symptoms (i.e., not conceiving) depend upon interpretations and definitions of the situation. Multiple patterns of self-identification over time (identity non-adopters, maintainers, adopters, and relinquishers) suggest an indeterminate association between illness and impacts on the self, even for a condition that is highly medicalized in the United States.