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Objectives: To overcome the absence of socio-economic information in administrative databases and to monitor social inequalities in health, a material and social deprivation index was developed for Québec and Canada. Methods: The index is based on the smallest area unit used in Canadian censuses, with 400 to 700 persons on average. It includes six socio-economic indicators grouped along two dimensions - material and social - produced from principal component analyses. The index exists for 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2006 and in different versions, from local areas to the whole of Canada. Numerous products related to the index are available online free of charge. Results: The index has been used extensively in the field of health and social services, mainly in the province of Québec but also elsewhere in Canada. It has had four main uses, all related to public health: describing geographic variations of deprivation, illustrating inequalities in population health status and in service use according to deprivation, supporting the development of health reports and policies, and guiding regional resource allocation. These applications are facilitated by a close partnership between the producers and users of the index. Conclusion: The deprivation index is a marker of social inequalities in health. It allows for monitoring of inequalities over time and space, and constitutes a useful tool for public health planning, intervention and service delivery.

Although the meanings and rates of being married, divorced, separated, never-married, and widowed have changed significantly over the past several decades, we know very little about historical trends in the relationship between marital status and health. Our analysis of pooled data from the National Health Interview Survey from 1972 to 2003 shows that the self-rated health of the never-married has improved over the past three decades. Moreover, the gap between the married and the never married has steadily converged over time for men but not for women. In contrast, the self-rated health of the widowed, divorced, and separated worsened over time relative to the married, and the adverse effects of marital dissolution have increased more for women than for men. Our findings highlight the importance of social change in shaping the impact of marital status on self-reported health and challenge long-held assumptions about gender, marital status, and health.

Many believe that we ought to save a large number from being permanently bedridden rather than save one from death. Many also believe that we ought to save one from death rather than a multitude from a very minor harm, no matter how large this multitude. I argue that a principle I call Aggregate Relevant Claims satisfactorily explains these judgments. I offer a rationale for this principle and defend it against objections.

We examine the effects of transitions in marital and parenthood status on 1,091 men's and women's housework hours using two waves of data from an Australian panel survey titled Negotiating the Life Course. We examine transitions between cohabitation and marriage, and from cohabitation or marriage to separation, as well as transitions to first and higher-order births. We find extraordinary stability in men's housework time across most transitions but considerable change for women in relation to transitions in parenthood. Our results suggest that the transition to parenthood is a critical moment in the development of an unequal gap in time spent on routine household labor.

This study challenges two well-established associations in medical sociology: the beneficial effect of marriage on health and the predictive power of self-rated health on mortality. Using data from The National Health Interview Survey 1986-2004 with 1986-2006 mortality follow-up (789,096 respondents with 24,095 deaths) and Cox Proportional Hazards Models, we find the protective effect of marriage against mortality decreases with deteriorating health so that the married and unmarried in poor health are at similar risk for death. We also find the power of self-rated health to predict mortality is higher for the married than for any unmarried group. By using ordered logistic regression models, we find thresholds shift such that, compared to the unmarried, the married may not report poorer health until developing more severe health problems. These findings suggest the married tend to overestimate their health status. These two phenomena (diminishing protection and overestimation) contribute to but do not completely explain each other.

ObjectivesTo investigate the impact of transitions out of marriage (separation, widowhood) on the self reported mental health of men and women, and examine whether perceptions of social support play an intervening role.MethodsThe analysis used six waves (2001–06) of an Australian population based panel study, with an analytical sample of 3017 men and 3225 women. Mental health was measured using the MHI-5 scale scored 0–100 (α=0.97), with a higher score indicating better mental health. Perceptions of social support were measured using a 10-item scale ranging from 10 to 70 (α=0.79), with a higher score indicating higher perceived social support. A linear mixed model for longitudinal data was used, with lags for marital status, mental health and social support.ResultsAfter adjustment for social characteristics there was a decline in mental health for men who separated (−5.79 points) or widowed (−7.63 points), compared to men who remained married. Similar declines in mental health were found for women who separated (−6.65 points) or became widowed (−9.28 points). The inclusion of perceived social support in the models suggested a small mediation effect of social support for mental health with marital loss. Interactions between perceived social support and marital transitions showed a strong moderating effect for men who became widowed. No significant interactions were found for women.ConclusionMarital loss significantly decreased mental health. Increasing, or maintaining, high levels of social support has the potential to improve widowed men's mental health immediately after the death of their spouse.

Every European country has experienced changes in partnership behavior--increased divorce, delayed and avoided marriage, cohabitation that is even less stable than marriage, and the formation of new partnerships (Sobotka and Toulemon 2008; Perelli-Harris et al. 2010; Thomson et al. 2014). These changes are also experienced by a significant proportion of children, who then live with single parents or alternately with both of their separated parents, become stepchildren, and often acquire half siblings. The transitions that occur in the lives of adults and their children produce families and households that are complex. Each of the transitions mentioned has been well studied, as have some of the consequences. What may not be appreciated is how the accumulation of events in the life course has produced an increasing complexity in family life for communities, societies, and the families themselves. In this article, I review variation across Europe in the demographic processes that produce family complexity and, to the extent that the data allow, I demonstrate that several processes continue to increase or have leveled off at relatively high levels. Some special attention is given to Sweden, a forerunner in family change. Comparisons with the United States also identify the ways in which U.S. families are outliers and the ways in which they have parallel experiences to families in Europe. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Couples who have children are increasingly likely to have lived together without being married at some point in their relationship. Some couples begin their unions with cohabitation and marry before first conception, some marry during pregnancy or directly after the first birth, while others remain unmarried 3 years after the first birth. Using union and fertility histories since the 1970s for eleven countries, we examine whether women who have children in unions marry, and if so, at what stage in family formation. We also examine whether women who conceive when cohabiting are more likely to marry or separate. We find that patterns of union formation and childbearing develop along different trajectories across countries. In all countries, however, less than 40 per cent of women remained in cohabitation up to 3 years after the first birth, suggesting that marriage remains the predominant institution for raising children.

Using administrative data on all adult children living in The Netherlands age 30-40 and their parents (N = 1,999,700), we investigated the extent to which situations and events associated with the support needs and privacy needs of either generation determine intergenerational coresidence and the transition to coresidence. Logistic and multinomial logistic regression analyses showed that both generations' support needs increased the likelihood of coresidence and of a move of the generation in need into the other's home. Turning to privacy needs, we found that coresidence and the transition to coresidence was less likely when a partner or stepparent was present and more likely when the adult child was a never-married single parent.

We know that life course events, especially divorce and separation, trigger residential moves, but we know less about how these and other life course events intersect with how far people move and the relationship with labour market change. This research uses data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics Survey in Australia to model a set of life course events and their intersection with the distance of move. I examine essentially positive events, marriage and new births and not so positive events, separation and divorce, and the unexpected events of widowhood and job loss, and their outcomes in the housing market. For the decision to move, the models partly parallel other studies of life course events and their role in the mobility decision, but the results provide enriched results about how age and life course events intersect. The analysis shows in greater detail how age acts as a proxy for complicated life course intersections with moving. The disruption of divorce and separation, as expected, increases the probability of moving but with different effects over distance. Households move in response to these life events but they are much less likely to change metropolitan locations, which reflects the embedded nature of family change and location. Overall, the research enriches previous studies of age-related links to migration and mobility.