Explore the vast range of titles available.

This paper reviews existing definitions of serial verb constructions (SVCs) and highlights the divergent approaches adopted by linguists in conceptualizing and identifying SVCs across languages. Grounded in Vietnamese grammar-particularly its topic-comment theory-and informed by native speakers’ cognitive frameworks, the study establishes SVC properties that resonate with the internal logic of the Vietnamese language. By aligning cross-linguistic theoretical models with indigenous grammatical intuition, the paper clarifies how Vietnamese speakers distinguish SVCs, both conceptually and functionally. Drawing upon a set of eight proposed properties, the paper categorizes Vietnamese serial verb constructions into two distinct types: non-lexicalized SVCs and lexicalized SVCs. It further demystifies the differences between SVCs and other superficially similar but structurally distinct constructions, including non-lexical autonomous verbal constructions, lexicalized verbal constructions, verb-verb predicate-argument constructions, causative-resultative constructions, and motion verb-directional preposition constructions.

This paper presents the first formal event semantic analysis of two prominent types of serial verb construction (SVC) in Igbo (Benue-Congo), namely multi-event and sequential SVCs. Both SVC types are composed of two or more transitive verbs and appear to be similar on the surface, but they differ with respect to the property of internal argument sharing (Baker 1989). Based on the different formal semantic mechanisms proposed for complex event formation in the literature, we develop a catalogue of diagnostics for identifying the semantic mechanisms at play in different SVC configurations, both within and across languages. Applying the diagnostics to multi-event and sequential SVCs in Igbo, we show that the two SVC types come with different semantic properties, which correlate with the syntactic property of [+/−] object sharing. Whereas SVCs without OBJ-sharing denote conjunctions of proposition-denoting extended verbal projections, OBJ-sharing SVCs involve a tighter event construal, conceptualised as a complex process event or macro-event (Stewart in The serial verb construction parameter. McGill, New York, 1998; Pietroski in Causing Actions. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000; Events and Semantic Architecture. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005; Williams in Arguments in syntax and semantics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2015a; Bohnemeyer et al. in Language 83(3):495–532, 2007). We propose a formal analysis of OBJ-sharing sequential SVCs as denoting complex events with quantificational substructure.

Rolle (2020) identifies an apparent morphophonological conspiracy in serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Degema. He argues that it constitutes evidence for a partly-unified postsyntactic module, in which morphology and prosody are built in parallel (by ‘Optimality-Theoretic Distributed Morphology’). We argue that the pattern Rolle identifies in Degema SVCs instead results from the simultaneous interaction of two independently-attested syntax-prosody phenomena: (1) the pressure for adjacent verbs in an SVC to form a single prosodic unit, and (2) the suppression of redundant agreement within a single prosodic word (a.k.a. ‘Kinyalolo’s Generalization’). Thus the Degema SVC conspiracy can be localized to the syntax-prosody interface, and there is no need to adopt a unified postsyntactic morphology-prosody module like Rolle’s. We offer some further conceptual critiques of his model.

This paper develops Ramchand’s first phase syntax theory by investigating the Mandarin directional serial verb construction. Specifically, the position of the theme argument in these constructions is investigated, and two major word order variants are identified: the VOV type and the VVO type. The former are argued to be accomplishments, whereas the latter are achievements. The analysis embraces Ramchand’s spirit that three sub-eventive projections (InitP, ProcP, and ResP) exist universally as the basic building blocks in the first-phase syntax, and it proposes that the surface word order alternation and situation type shift is the consequence of the occurrence/absence of the ResP and the different insertion position of the directional morphemes.

Serial verb constructions have been the focus of much linguistic research, especially in studies on languages of East Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific. This paper contributes to the growing body of research on the topic by providing empirical data from Jordanian Arabic, through an introspective study, which show that this dialect exhibits this type of phenomenon. The Jordanian Arabic data are examined against defined characteristics of serial verb constructions across natural languages and the description confirms that this dialect exhibits productive verb serialization. An analysis that utilizes the assumptions of the cartographic program, a line of research within generative syntax, is then presented, where the first verb within the series occupies a little v head, whereas the second verb occupies a V head. The data and analysis contribute to our understanding of serial verb constructions and challenge the misconception that Semitic languages do not exhibit verb serialization. This calls for more research on natural languages to update the typology of this construction.

Serial verb constructions have often been said to refer to single conceptual events. However, evidence to support this claim has been elusive. This article introduces co-speech gestures as a new way of investigating the relationship. The alignment patterns of gestures with serial verb constructions and other complex clauses were compared in Avatime (Ka-Togo, Kwa, Niger-Congo). Serial verb constructions tended to occur with single gestures overlapping the entire construction. In contrast, other complex clauses were more likely to be accompanied by distinct gestures overlapping individual verbs. This pattern of alignment suggests that serial verb constructions are in fact used to describe single events.

Serial Verb Constructions have obvious implications for both descriptive and theoretical linguists (e.g., Newmayer, 2004; Aikhenvald & Dixon 2006; Haspelmath 2016). One fundamental question is whether the criteria of Serial Verb Constructions are universal (Déchaine 1993; Newmayer 2004; Muysken & Veenstra 2006) or language-specific (Stewart 2001). This paper aims to investigate this debate by examining data from Saudi Arabic (Semitic language family), which has not been examined or compared as a serializing code with other constructions in other languages. Based on the most noticeable features of Serial Verb Constructions such as descriptive facts, syntactic and semantic features, the present study concluded that Verb + Verb combinations in Saudi Arabic could satisfy the relevant criteria of Serial Verb Constructions.

This paper aims to describe and explain the different morphosyntactic and semantic features of some double verb constructions in Persian, an Indo-European language mainly spoken in Iran. It is argued that these double verb constructions are not instances of serial verb construction, but instances of emerging aspectual verbs with varied degrees of grammaticalization. It is argued that numerous factors lead to grammaticalization of these verbs, including context, the semantic class of the verbs, and their frequency. A corpus-based analysis shows that these aspectual verbs have been grammaticalized in different ratios during the last one hundred years, demonstrating ongoing change in the Persian language.

This study aims to analyze the syntax of serial verbs in the Punjabi language. The serial verb construction (SVC) is a widespread phenomenon across the world languages and in Punjabi as well. The SVC in Punjabi specifically is used as a full event described by two sub-events, with each event described by a separate verb coming together in a sequence. It shows that two different events have their own individuality during overall event. This study is descriptive in nature and a naturalistic methodology is adopted for detailed categorization of SVC in Punjabi. The study shows how the two types of SVCs in Punjabi are completely different from Complex Predicates (CPs) because each SVC contains two VPs but only one V whereas the complex predicate constructions have only one VP but two Vs. The study also shows that the relationship between two verbs/VPs is that of adjunction but not complementation (or coordination). Since this study explores the Indo-Aryan languages which are facing the dearth of linguistic research, it is going to be a useful contribution to the domain of serial verb constructions cross-linguistically. It will also be helpful to draw a line between SVCs and CP formations in the Punjabi language.

This paper discusses the status of island phenomena in Avatime, an endangered Kwa language of Ghana. We focus on clausal adjuncts, specifically noun complement clauses (NCCs). We show that while standard adjuncts are strong islands in Avatime, NCCs allow argument extraction. We suggest that this is related to the fact that NCCs in Avatime are not a type of relative clause. Instead, NCCs involve a kind of serial verb construction, which independently allows for extraction.