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ObjectiveThe aim of the current study was to provide estimates of both overall and specific forms of sexual harassment among male and female college and university students.Design and settingData stem from a recent national student health survey from 2018 for higher education in Norway (the SHoT study (Students’ Health and Wellbeing Study)).Participants50 054 full-time students (69.1% women) aged 18–35 years participated, yielding a response rate of 31%.Main outcome measureSexual harassment was defined according to Norwegian legal regulations, and was assessed by self-report on seven items covering verbal, non-verbal and physical sexual harassment. We also collected data on the timeframe and frequency of the sexual harassment, in addition to the formal position of the perpetrator of the harassment.ResultsLifetime sexual harassment was reported by 24.2% (women 31.3%, men 8.0%), while 16.7% (women 21.6%, men 5.7%) reported having been sexually harassed within the past year. The most common forms of lifetime (ever having experienced) sexual harassments were ‘sexual expressions, suggestions or comments about your body’ and ‘unwanted touching, hugging or kissing’ (both 15.4%), while rape and rape attempt were reported by 3.4% and 2.1%, respectively. Exposure to all forms of past-year sexual harassments was significantly more common among women and the youngest age cohorts. Fellow students committed the past-year sexual harassment in 18%–29% of the instances, while a university staff member was reported to have committed the harassment in 0.6%–4.6% of cases.ConclusionGiven the potential consequences suffered by those exposed to sexual harassment and assault, both the institutions and student welfare organisations should intensify their efforts to put the theme on the agenda and provide both legal and health services to victims of sexual harassment. The low response rate means that care should be taken in interpreting and generalising the findings to the whole student population.

This study challenges the common legal and organizational practice of privileging sexual advance forms of sex-based harassment, while neglecting gender harassment. Survey data came from women working in two male-dominated contexts: the military and the legal profession. Their responses to the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ) revealed five typical profiles of harassment: low victimization, gender harassment, gender harassment with unwanted sexual attention, moderate victimization, and high victimization. The vast majority of harassment victims fell into one of the first two groups, which described virtually no unwanted sexual advances. When compared to non-victims, gender-harassed women showed significant decrements in professional and psychological well-being. These findings underscore the seriousness of gender harassment, which merits greater attention by both law and social science.

Organizational researchers argue that workplace mistreatment scholarship is hampered because of the wide variety of constructs studied. To investigate this concern, we conducted an item-level analysis of the relationship among workplace mistreatment experiences to assess construct overlap. Employed students reported how similar 17 mistreatment experiences were to one another (i.e., from measures of sexual harassment, generalized harassment, and incivility) and subject matter experts indicated the degree to which each experience represented several dimensions including Buss's (1961) dimensions (i.e., verbal/physical, active/passive, and direct/indirect) and others (i.e., sexual/nonsexual and intentional/accidental). Nonsexual forms of mistreatment (i.e., generalized harassment and incivility) were perceived similarly despite their different conceptual definitions, whereas sexual harassment experiences were relatively distinct. Implications of the findings are discussed.

Stalking has been relatively understudied compared to other dimensions of intimate partner violence. The purpose of this article was to examine concurrent and subsequent intimate partner abuse, strategic responses and symptomatic consequences of severe stalking experienced by battered women. Thirty-five battered women classified as \"relentlessly stalked\" and 31 infrequently stalked battered women were compared. Compared to infrequently stalked battered women, relentlessly stalked battered women reported: (a) more severe concurrent physical violence, sexual assault and emotional abuse: (b) increased post-separation assault and stalking; (c) increased rates of depression and PTSD; and (d) more extensive use of strategic responses to abuse. Results underscore the scope and magnitude of stalking faced by battered women and have implications for assessment and intervention strategies.

Two studies investigated the phenomenon of obsessive relational intrusion (ORI), defined as repeated and unwanted pursuit and invasion of one's sense of physical or symbolic privacy by another person, either stranger or acquaintance, who desires and/or presumes an intimate relationship. In Study 1, we sought to identify the incidence of a broad range of relationally intrusive behaviors, to identify the coping responses employed by victims of ORI, and to assess the associations between coping responses and ORI behaviors. Study 2 assessed the perceived degree of severity of ORI behaviors. Results revealed that each of 63 ORI behaviors was experienced by 3-78% of respondents in three different samples. Factor analysis revealed four types of ORI behavior: pursuit, violation, threat, and hyper-intimacy. Responses for coping with ORI consisted of interaction, protection, retaliation, and evasion. Virtually all intrusive behaviors were perceived to be annoying. Some types of ORI behaviors were perceived to be relatively more threatening, upsetting and privacy-invading than others. Although sex differences were not observed for the incidence of ORI or coping, women consistently perceived ORI behaviors to be more annoying, upsetting, threatening, and privacy-invading than did men.

This study identified how 16 Australian registered nurses classified sex-based harassers and explained their own behavior and the behavior of the harasser. A qualitative research design, relying on in-depth interviews, was used to collect the data. The study found that harassment is linked to gender roles and that the harassed are reluctant to blame the harasser—the harassed had \"sound\" rationalizations for harassment. Awareness of the interactional dynamics of self-blame and these rationalizations will help nurse executives ensure a harassment-free workplace.

This meta-analysis quantitatively compiled the results of studies from 1992 to 2009 to determine the prevalence and types of victimization experienced by lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals. Based on the results of three searches, 386 studies were retrieved and coded. Comparisons were made across all LGB individuals (138 studies), between LGB and heterosexual individuals (65 studies), and between LGB females and males (53 studies), with over 500,000 participants. Multiple types of victimization were coded, including discrimination, physical assault, and school victimization. Findings revealed that for LGB individuals, reports of victimization experiences were substantial (e.g., 55% experienced verbal harassment, and 41% experienced discrimination) and some types have increased since a 1992 review, while others have decreased. LGB individuals experienced greater rates of victimization than heterosexual individuals (range: d = .04-.58). LGB males experienced some types of victimization more than LGB females (e.g., weapon assault and being robbed) but, overall, the gender differences were small. It can be concluded that LGB individuals still experience a substantial amount of victimization. Implications for research methods are discussed, including recommendations for sampling and measurement of victimization. [Supplementary materials are available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Journal of Sex Research for the following free supplemental resource(s): Supplementary Tables. These tables are referred to in the text of this article as \"Table S1,\" \"Table S2,\" etc.]

BackgroundFew studies have simultaneously included exposure information on occupational hazards, relationship hazards (eg, intimate partner violence) and social hazards (eg, poverty and racial discrimination), especially among low-income multiracial/ethnic populations.MethodsA cross-sectional study (2003–2004) of 1202 workers employed at 14 worksites in the greater Boston area of Massachusetts investigated the independent and joint association of occupational, social and relationship hazards with psychological distress (K6 scale).ResultsAmong this low-income cohort (45% were below the US poverty line), exposure to occupational, social and relationship hazards, per the ‘inverse hazard law,’ was high: 82% exposed to at least one occupational hazard, 79% to at least one social hazard, and 32% of men and 34% of women, respectively, stated they had been the perpetrator or target of intimate partner violence (IPV). Fully 15.4% had clinically significant psychological distress scores (K6 score ≥13). All three types of hazards, and also poverty, were independently associated with increased risk of psychological distress. In models including all three hazards, however, significant associations with psychological distress occurred among men and women for workplace abuse and high exposure to racial discrimination only; among men, for IPV; and among women, for high exposure to occupational hazards, poverty and smoking.ConclusionsReckoning with the joint and embodied reality of diverse types of hazards involving how people live and work is necessary for understanding determinants of health status.

This study investigated whether attitudinal variables, such as benevolent and hostile sexism toward men and women, female rape myth acceptance, and tolerance of sexual harassment are related to women labeling their sexual assault experiences as rape. In a sample of 276 female college students, 71 (25.7%) reported at least one experience that met the operational definition of rape, although only 46.5% of those women labeled the experience \"rape.\" Benevolent sexism, tolerance of sexual harassment, and rape myth acceptance, but not hostile sexism, significantly predicted labeling of previous sexual assault experiences by the victims. Specifically, those with more benevolent sexist attitudes toward both men and women, greater rape myth acceptance, and more tolerant attitudes of sexual harassment were less likely to label their past sexual assault experience as rape. The results are discussed for their clinical and theoretical implications.