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Muslim marriages have been the focus of considerable public debate in Europe and beyond, in Muslim-majority countries as well as in settings where Muslims are a minority. Most academic work has focused on how the majority Sunni Muslims conclude marriages. This volume, in contrast, focuses on Twelver Shi'a Muslims in Iran, Pakistan, Oman, Indonesia, Norway, and the Netherlands. The volume makes an original contribution to understanding the global dynamics of Shi'a marriage practices in a wide range of contexts--not only its geographical spread but also by providing a critical analysis of the socio-economic, religious, ethnic, and political discourses of each context. The book sheds light on new marriage forms presented through a bottom up approach focusing on the lived experiences of Shi'a Muslims negotiating a diverse range of relationships and forms of belonging.

This study provides a 'pyramid of hate' perspective on issues and challenges facing minority religious communities in social and political climates that bestow permission to hate. Previous research shows that adverse social stereotypes and biases, together with non-inclusive policies and practices at the level of the state, create an enabling environment that signals the legitimacy of public hostility towards a minority community. This paper argues that such climates of hate within and outside the workplace may be better understood by paying attention to the multiple levels of hate, i.e., biased attitudes, biased actions, discrimination and violence. In its extreme form, such climate may lead to indiscriminate massacres and genocide. This contextual study draws on interviews with 76 Shia Muslim professionals and employees in Pakistan to provide a 'pyramid of hate' perspective on issues of bias, discrimination and violence facing them. The study unveils a range of experiences, from subtle bias and stereotyping to blatant harassment, discrimination and hostilities facing Shia professionals and employees in Pakistan. The study is unique as it integrates the notion of pyramid of hate into management and organization studies and advances this theory by examining issues of sect-based bias, discrimination and violence within one religion.

The Lebanese Shi'ite resistance movement, Hizbullah, is going through a remarkable political and ideological transformation. Hizbullah was founded in 1978 by various sectors of Lebanese Shi'ite clergy and cadres, and with Iranian backing as an Islamic movement protesting against social and political conditions. Over the years 1984/85 to 1991, Hizbullah became a full-fledged social movement in the sense of having a broad overall organization, structure, and ideology aiming at social change and social justice, as it claimed. Starting in 1992, it became a mainstream political party working within the narrow confines of its pragmatic political program. The line of argument in this dissertation is that Hizbullah has been adjusting its identity in the three previously mentioned stages by shifting emphasis among its three components: (1) from propagating an exclusivist religious ideology (2) to a more encompassing political ideology, and (3) to a down-to-earth political program. De Libanese Shi'itische verzetsbeweging Hizbullah ondergaat een opzienbarende politieke en ideologische transformatie. Ten tijde van de stichting in 1978, door Libanese geestelijken en leiders en met Iranese steun, was Hizbullah vooral een islamitische beweging die zich verzette tegen sociale en politieke omstandigheden. Gaandeweg ontwikkelde de beweging zich tot een 'volwassen' sociale beweging, met een solide organisatie, structuur en ideologie, gericht op sociale verandering en rechtvaardigheid. Vanaf 1992 manifesteert Hizbullah zich als politieke partij. Deze publicatie schetst een veranderende identiteit door een verschuivende nadruk: van exclusivistische religieuze ideologie, via een ruimere politieke ideologie tot een pragmatisch politiek programma.

Téhéran mobilise les chiites irakiens à travers des initiatives religieuses et le soutien à des paramilitaires chiites. Cette stratégie s'accompagne de tensions internes dans la communauté chiite irakienne et s'inscrit dans un contexte régional profondément bouleversé. À partir d'octobre 2023, le conflit entre le Hamas et Israël ouvre une nouvelle phase, prolongée en 2024 par deux chocs majeurs pour l'« Axe de la résistance » : la mort de Hassan Nasrallah et la chute du régime de Bachar Al-Assad.

Each of the 29 officially recognized languages of India has its own script as well as oral and written traditions. In the realm of Hindi fiction, a genre called anchalik upanyasa (broadly regional novels) has grown; it purports to narrate holistically the linguistic and cultural ethos of a region. This piece focuses on one Hindi regional novel, Adha Gaon (Half a Village), which presents the life-world ofShia Muslims in rural Uttar Pradesh in north India; the author, Rahi Masoom Raza, is himself a native of this village. Since there is no extant professional ethnography of the Shia Muslims of rural north India, I use Adha Gaon's narrative to describe and interpret Indian Muslim ethnicity in this regional setting. My description and analysis proceed by way of contextualization and comparison, two key anthropo logical methods.

Explains how various Islamists have endorsed human rights, democracy, and justice to gain influence and mobilize supporters Islamist political parties and groups are on the rise throughout the Muslim world and in Muslim communities in the West. Owing largely to the threat of terrorism, political Islam is often portrayed as a monolithic movement embodying fundamentalism and theocracy, an image magnified by the rise of populism and xenophobia in the United States and Europe. Reality, however, is far more complicated. Political Islam has evolved considerably since its spectacular rise decades ago, and today it features divergent viewpoints and contributes to discrete but simultaneous developments worldwide. This is a new political Islam, more global in scope but increasingly local in action.Emmanuel Karagiannis offers a sophisticated analysis of the different manifestations of contemporary Islamism. In a context of global economic and social changes, he finds local manifestations of Islamism are becoming both more prevalent and more diverse. Many Islamists turn to activism, still more participate formally in the democratic process, and some, in far fewer numbers, advocate violence—a wide range of political persuasions and tactics that reflects real and perceived political, cultural, and identity differences.Synthesizing prodigious research and integrating insights from the globalization debate and the literature on social movements, The New Political Islam seeks to explain the processes and factors leading to distinctive fusions of \"the global\" and \"the local\" across the landscape of contemporary political Islam. Examining converts to Islam in Europe, nonviolent Islamists with global reach, Islamist parties in Turkey, Egypt, and Tunisia, and militant Shia and Sunni groups in Syria and Iraq, Karagiannis demonstrates that Islamists have embraced ideas and practices from the global marketplace and have attempted to implement them locally. He looks closely at the ways in which Islamist activists, politicians, and militants have utilized the language of human rights, democracy, and justice to gain influence and popular support and to contend for power.

While inter-religious conflict is not new to Nigeria, sectarian competition and conflict between Sunnis and Shias have infiltrated the country and potentially pose a threat to the country’s stability. This article does not seek to provide a solution to Nigeria’s sectarian conflict between Sunni Islam and Shia Islam, but rather to highlight the dangers it poses to the country through its impact and implications. Through a futurology design approach, the article provides dynamic snapshots of Sunni–Shia sectarian conflict from three dimensions: identity, alliance, and ideology. The article reveals that both Sunni and Shia Islam in Nigeria share a common ideology of establishing Nigeria as an Islamic state. However, they disagree on whose ideology it shall be founded upon owing to their sectarian affiliation with external actors, notably Saudi Arabia and Iran. The article concludes with prognostic reflections on the future political, religious, and social implications for Nigeria if this conflict remains unresolved.

Margolis discusses the conflict of Israel with Hezbollah and Iran. Hezbollah's conflict with Israel began when Israeli armored units shot their way into the Lebanese market town of Nabatiyeh, which was thronged by Shi'i celebrating the important holy day of Ashura. Israeli forces dispersed the local Shi'i with gunfire. Some Shi'i shot back. Israel targeted Hezbollah for special attention after its forces invaded Lebanon three times and were bloodied by effective resistance from Hezbollah fighters armed with improved infantry weapons. Now, Israel is trying to provoke Iran into a larger war and drag in the US as well. Iran's nuclear facilities and its oil industry would be prime targets. Israel's hard right is calling for the destruction of Iran's industrial base and the overthrow of its Shi'i theocracy. This is pretty rich coming from a nation dominated by far-right religious parties that want to return Israel to its biblical borders. (Reprint 2024)

In explaining national identity as an indicator of subjective belonging to the nation-state, researchers have examined factors such as occupational structure, economic discrimination, competition, and political recognition. However, the influence of cultural factors has often been neglected. By investigating the moderating effect of Shia and Sunni rituals on national identification, I find that the nature of rituals significantly influences the strength of national identity among subordinate ethnic groups. In Shia culture, the solidarity generated through ritual practices extends into national identity, fostering the formation of a confessional supra-identity. In contrast, rituals centered on personal piety in Sunni Islam do not produce the same effect. I propose a theory of interethnic solidarity based on ritual processes. A qualitative analysis of the cases of Turkey and Iran shows that in Turkey, the absence of cross-ethnic ties forged through less intense rituals leads to weaker national identity among Sunni Kurds and higher perceived ethnic discrimination. In Iran, however, the frequent practice of interactive rituals that transcend ethnic boundaries strengthens national identity among Shia ethnic minorities and reduces perceived ethnic discrimination. This research underscores how communal, intensive rituals play a key role in explaining variations in national identification.