Explore the vast range of titles available.

Street vending has supplied the inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro with basic goods for several centuries. Once the province of African slaves and free blacks, street commerce became a site of expanded (mostly European) immigrant participation and shifting state regulations during the transition from enslaved to free labor and into the early post-abolition period. Street Occupations investigates how street vendors and state authorities negotiated this transition, during which vendors sought greater freedom to engage in commerce and authorities imposed new regulations in the name of modernity and progress. Examining ganhador (street worker) licenses, newspaper reports, and detention and court records, and considering the emergence of a protective association for vendors, Patricia Acerbi reveals that street sellers were not marginal urban dwellers in Rio but active participants in a debate over citizenship. In their struggles to sell freely throughout the Brazilian capital, vendors asserted their citizenship as urban participants with rights to the city and to the freedom of commerce. In tracing how vendors resisted efforts to police and repress their activities, Acerbi demonstrates the persistence of street commerce and vendors’ tireless activity in the city, which the law eventually accommodated through municipal street commerce regulation passed in 1924. A focused history of a crucial era of transition in Brazil, Street Occupations offers important new perspectives on patron-client relations, slavery and abolition, policing, the use of public space, the practice of free labor, the meaning of citizenship, and the formality and informality of work.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to interpret the use of accounting information relating to the House of Correction, a public safety institution established in Rio de Janeiro for the control of workers under a tutelage system (1831–1864). The aim of the House of Correction was to develop a disciplined workforce of former slaves and other “Free Africans”. Various control and information procedures were put in place to monitor its achievement of this goal.Design/methodology/approachThis study is based on historical archival research, mainly conducted at the National Archive of Rio de Janeiro and at the Brazilian National Library. The study uses Althusser’s ideology concept and the Marxist concept of reproduction of labour to show how accounting information enabled the administrator of the House of Correction to exercise control over the “Free Africans” consistent with the ideologies of the period and place.FindingsThe authors find that the House of Correction pursued a policy of ensuring “Free Africans” were docile, obedient and familiar with State ideology.Research limitations/implicationsThe research is based on a single case study and it shows the need for both comparative and interdisciplinary analysis in order to increase an understanding of the use of accounting information in ancient prison contexts, as well as in contemporary situations.Originality/valueThis paper extends our knowledge of the use of accounting for the control of workers, who were either captive or repressed due to their ethnical differences; and it shows how ideology can be imposed through the use of accounting information. The authors extend theory by applying the Marxist and Althusserian concept of reproduction of labour to the case of “Free Africans”.

During much of the nineteenth century, Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian capital, was under a selective curfew that made it a crime to be in the city’s public spaces after dark. The curfew bent normal rules and attenuated supposedly universal rights, overtly discriminating between people on the basis of class and race. Rules that legally defined the nighttime did not come from any national statute, or from newly independent Brazil’s liberal Constitution (1824) or its Criminal Code (1830). Instead, Rio’s nocturnal sociolegal world was the product of police edicts, on-the-ground policing practice, and city ordinances. It also emerged from the actions of people who used the darker hours for work, play, and resistance against oppression, especially members of the city’s immense enslaved population and the growing number of free persons of African descent. In other words, this is a phenomenon of urban governance that allows, and indeed forces us to look beyond the nineteenth-century nation-state to understand the exercise of power at a local level. This article explores how the curfew established patterns and means of limiting the basic freedom to move about the city. It was at night when both the necessity and fragility of what jurists in Brazil called the “freedom to come and go” came into view. The daily transition between day and night enacted juridical changes that, although invisible at the national level, fundamentally shaped the social categories that determined people’s places in society in ways that historical research has yet to explore.

This article explores how enslaved and freedwomen in Rio de Janeiro and Havana, the capital cities of the Americas' last two slaveholding territories, played a crucial and specific part in helping speed and shape the gradual emancipation processes that unfolded simultaneously in each context during the 1870s and 1880s. In each city, women were at the front line of legal battles for freedom waged by the enslaved and their freed relatives. The article suggests several reasons why. First, in both Brazil and Cuba, the abolition process was shaped by 'free womb' laws which, along with other subsequent legislation, created specific new opportunities for women to make legal claims on the basis of motherhood. Second, such petitions chimed not only with official legal stipulations but also with broader Atlantic anti-slavery rhetoric that sought emotive responses to the plight of slaves and appealed particularly to specific notions about maternal love. Third, these (ex-)enslaved women's struggles were shaped by their own understandings of the significances of freedom and of motherhood, and by their daily lives in these two Atlantic port cities, where women had long been a significant presence in each city's population and economic and cultural life. Looking beyond their 'individual' claims for freedom reveals how such claims emerged from a collective context of proximity, cohabitation and exchange of information and help. Despite the major differences between the broader economic and political trajectories of each country and city, it is the similarities between women's actions and contributions to the emancipation process that are particularly striking.

From recent data on disparities between Brazilian whites and non-whites in areas of health, education, and welfare, it is clear that vast racial inequalities do exist in Brazil, contrary to earlier assertions in race relations scholarship that the country is a \"racial democracy.\" Here Michael George Hanchard explores the implications of this increasingly evident racial inequality, highlighting Afro-Brazilian attempts at mobilizing for civil rights and the powerful efforts of white elites to neutralize such attempts. Within a neo-Gramscian framework, Hanchard shows how racial hegemony in Brazil has hampered ethnic and racial identification among non-whites by simultaneously promoting racial discrimination and false premises of racial equality. Drawing from personal archives of and interviews with participants in the Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, Hanchard presents a wealth of empirical evidence about Afro-Brazilian militants, comparing their effectiveness with their counterparts in sub-Saharan Africa, the United States, and the Caribbean in the post-World War II period. He analyzes, in comprehensive detail, the extreme difficulties experienced by Afro-Brazilian activists in identifying and redressing racially specific patterns of violation and discrimination. Hanchard argues that the Afro-American struggle to subvert dominant cultural forms and practices carries the danger of being subsumed by the contradictions that these dominant forms produce.

This article discusses how residents of early twentieth-century Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, defined vagrancy. Commentators on the 1890 Penal Code sought to explain the terms of the article related to vagrancy, article number 399, and its application. Evaristo de Moraes, a lawyer, essayist, and public intellectual at that time, similarly dedicated several works to this topic, as did journalists and literary writers who worked in the press. But these debates in the lettered realm were not isolated from the views and actions of average citizens, a phenomenon that one can observe by reading the criminal proceedings against women who were arrested for repeat offenses against anti-vagrancy laws. In the interventions and arguments of the accused and their defenders, it is possible to observe how vagrancy took on new meanings and how, over the course of time, the relationship between these women and the world of work evolved. Lerice de Castro Garzoni. Aux limites du non-travail. Travailleuses pauvres et définitions du vagabondage à Rio de Janeiro au début du vingtième siècle. Cet article étudie comment les résidents à Rio de Janeiro au Brésil, au début du vingtième siècle, définirent le vagabondage. Les commentateurs du code pénal de 1890 tentèrent d’expliquer les dispositions de l’article sur le vagabondage, l’article 399, et son application. Evaristo de Moraes, juriste, essayiste et intellectuel publique de cette époque, consacra également plusieurs ouvrages à ce sujet, de même que des journalistes et des écrivains littéraires qui travaillaient dans la presse. Mais ces débats dans le monde lettré n’étaient pas séparés des opinions et actions de citoyens ordinaires, phénomène que l’on peut observer en lisant les poursuites pénales de femmes qui furent arrêtées pour infractions répétées de lois contre le vagabondage. Les interventions et arguments des accusées et de leurs défenseurs permettent d’observer comment le vagabondage revêtit de nouvelles significations et comment, au fil du temps, la relation entre ces femmes et le monde du travail évolua. Traduction: Christine Plard Lerice de Castro Garzoni. An den Grenzen zur Nichtarbeit: Arme Arbeiterinnen und Definitionen der Landstreicherei im Rio de Janeiro des frühen 20. Jahrhunderts. Der Beitrag diskutiert, wie die Einwohner Rio de Janeiros (Brasilien) im frühen 20. Jahrhundert die Landstreicherei definierten. Kommentatoren des Strafgesetzbuches von 1890 bemühten sich um eine Auslegung des Paragrafen zur Landstreicherei (§399) und versuchten seine Anwendung zu klären. Auch Evaristo de Moraes, ein zeitgenössischer Jurist, Essayist und öffentlicher Intellektueller, widmete dem Thema mehrere Arbeiten, wie dies auch Journalisten und für die Presse arbeitende Schriftsteller taten. Dass diese Debatten unter den Gebildeten nicht von den Ansichten und Handlungen der Durchschnittsbürger zu trennen sind, zeigt sich an den Strafprozessakten über Frauen, die man aufgrund wiederholter Verstöße gegen den Landstreichereiparagrafen verhaftet hatte. An den Interventionen und Argumenten der Beschuldigten und ihrer Verteidiger lässt sich erkennen, wie die Landstreicherei neue Bedeutungen annahm und wie sich das Verhältnis zwischen den Frauen und der Arbeitswelt im Laufe der Zeit entwickelte. Übersetzung: Max Henninger Lerice de Castro Garzoni. En las fronteras del no-trabajo: las mujeres trabajadoras pobres y las definiciones de vagancia en Río de Janeiro a comienzos del siglo XX. En este artículo se plantea cómo los habitantes de Río de Janeiro, Brasil, en los primeros años del siglo XX, definieron la vagancia. Quienes dedicaron comentarios al Código penal de 1890 buscaron explicar los términos y la aplicación del artículo relativo a la vagancia, el artículo número 339. En la misma línea que Evaristo de Moraes, un abogado, ensayista e intelectual público en ese momento, otros periodistas y escritores que trabajaban para distintos periódicos, dedicaron algunos de sus trabajos a esta cuestión. Sin embargo, estos debates que se dieron en el ámbito letrado no se trataban de algo aislado respecto de las percepciones y acciones de la gente corriente –un fenómeno que puede ser observado leyendo el contenido de los procesos judiciales contra las mujeres que habían sido arrestadas debido a las repetidas infracciones de las leyes antivagancia. En las intervenciones y argumentos de las acusadas y de sus defensores es posible encontrar cómo la vagancia adquirió un nuevo significado y cómo evolucionó, a lo largo del tiempo, la relación entre esas mujeres y el mundo del trabajo. Traducción: Vicent Sanz Rozalén

This article treats Tio Faustino, a little-known samba musician and Afro-Brazilian religious leader living in Rio de Janeiro, as an entry point for exploring larger questions about Brazil and the African Diaspora. The inquiry expands outward from Tio Faustino to Rio's early twentieth-century markets in ‘African’ commodities, the city's nascent music industry and the growing call to defend intellectual property rights in Brazil. In order to advance their careers, Tio Faustino and other artists accessed nationalist sentiment in ways that highlighted differences rather than commonalities with African-descended peoples elsewhere. In this way, Brazil's global standing and its colonial history and post-colonial trajectory functioned as a counterweight to transnational and diasporic connections. These findings deepen, rather than completely unseat, recent trends in diaspora and transnational studies. Este artículo trata sobre Tio Faustino, un músico de samba poco conocido y líder religioso afro-brasileño viviendo en Río de Janeiro, como punto de entrada para explorar cuestiones mayores acerca de la diáspora africana brasileña. La investigación se expande desde Tio Faustino hasta los mercados de productos ‘africanos’ de Río de principios del siglo XX, la naciente industria musical de la ciudad, y el creciente llamado para defender la propiedad intelectual en Brasil. Con el fin de avanzar en sus carreras, Tio Faustino y otros artistas adquirieron un sentimiento nacionalista en formas que marcaron diferencias en vez de similitudes con afrodescendientes en otras partes. De esta forma, la posición global de Brasil, su historia colonial y su trayectoria postcolonial sirvieron como contrapeso a las conexiones transnacionales y de la diáspora. Estos hallazgos profundizan, en vez de desbancar completamente, recientes tendencias en los estudios transnacionales y sobre diásporas. Como ponto de entrada para explorar questões maiores sobre o Brasil e a diáspora africana, o artigo utiliza a figura de Tio Faustino, sambista e líder religioso afro-brasileiro pouco conhecido no Rio de Janeiro. A partir do Tio Faustino a investigação se amplia para abordar o mercado carioca de mercadorias ‘africanas’ no início do século vinte, a indústria musical nascente e o clamor crescente em torno da defesa dos direitos à propriedade intelectual no Brasil. Com a ascensão profissional em vista, Tio Faustino e outros artistas acessaram sentimentos nacionalistas de forma que era dado destaque às distinções em detrimento das similaridades com afro-descendentes de outros lugares. Dessa forma o posicionamento do Brasil no mundo, sua história colonial e trajetória pós-colonial agiram como contrapeso às ligações transnacionais e da diáspora. Recentes tendências em estudos de diáspora e transnacionalidade são aprofundadas, ao invés de completemente rejeitadas desestabilizados, por tais achados.

This article contributes to the debate over slavery in southeastern Brazil. It seeks to go beyond statistics, in order to analyze the social history of the slave universe in coffee counties of Zona da Mata of Minas Gerais and in diversified agricultural regions in Southern Rio de Janeiro. Comparing sources, exploiting geographic and temporal spatialities, investigating oscillatory movements in prices and demography, tracking baptisms, marriages, and deaths, the author traces and compares these two regions, noting their similarities and differences through analysis of historical series that have been identified, while examining how improvements in the transport system and epidemic outbreaks, among other factors, affected differentiated agrarian systems and caused irregular movements in the population.

This paper analyzes the demographic responses of the large slaver land holders of Rio de Janeiro, to the British pressure to end slavery in the Atlantic Ocean. It places special emphasis on the decades of 1810 and 1820, although it covers a longer period in lesser detail. The article questions the idea, widely disseminated in Brazilian historiography, that the internal slave trade in Brazil was enough to respond to the demands of growing slaver plantations and, therefore, that the natural positive growth of the slave population and of slavery were incompatible variables in colonial and imperial Brazil. Adapted from the source document.