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In 1880, coal was the primary energy source for everything from home heating to industry. Regions where coal was readily available, such as the Ruhr Valley in Germany and western Pennsylvania in the United States, witnessed exponential growth-yet also suffered the greatest damage from coal pollution.These conditions prompted civic activism in the form of \"anti-smoke\" campaigns to attack the unsightly physical manifestations of coal burning. This early period witnessed significant cooperation between industrialists, government, and citizens to combat the smoke problem. It was not until the 1960s, when attention shifted from dust and grime to hazardous invisible gases, that cooperation dissipated, and protests took an antagonistic turn.The Age of Smokepresents an original, comparative history of environmental policy and protest in the United States and Germany. Dividing this history into distinct eras (1880 to World War I, interwar, post-World War II to 1970), Frank Uekoetter compares and contrasts the influence of political, class, and social structures, scientific communities, engineers, industrial lobbies, and environmental groups in each nation. He concludes with a discussion of the environmental revolution, arguing that there were indeed two environmental revolutions in both countries: one societal, where changing values gave urgency to air pollution control, the other institutional, where changes in policies tried to catch up with shifting sentiments.Focusing on a critical period in environmental history,The Age of Smokeprovides a valuable study of policy development in two modern industrial nations, and the rise of civic activism to combat air pollution. As Uekoetter's work reveals, the cooperative approaches developed in an earlier era offer valuable lessons and perhaps the best hope for future progress.

The Tobacco Atlas is intended for anyone concerned with personal or political health, governance, politics, economics, big business, corporate behaviour, smuggling, tax, religion, internet, allocation of resources, human development and the future. It will be useful for UN agencies, governments and politicians, health officials, the media, researchers, universities, schools, and the general public. The atlas includes full-colour world maps and graphics, revealing similarities and differences between countries, on the history of tobacco, different types of tobacco use, prevalence and consumption, youth smoking, the economics of tobacco, farming and manufacturing, smuggling, the tobacco industry, promotion, profits, trade, smokers' rights, legislative action such as smoke-free areas, bans on tobacco advertising, health warnings, quitting, the effect of price and taxation, litigation and the future of the epidemic. This book illustrates, in an accessible and creative format, how tobacco is not just a simple health issue, but involves economics, big business, politics, trade, litigation, deceit and crimes such as smuggling. The atlas also shows the importance of a multifaceted approach to reducing the epidemic by WHO, other UN agencies, NGOs, the private sector and, in fact, the whole of civil society.

The three main fascist leaders of Europe (Hitler, Franco and Mussolini) all eschewed tobacco, whereas Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill all were avid smokers. 2 The tobacco industry finds such facts useful, which is why the front group FOREST (Freedom Organisation for the Right to Enjoy Smoking Tobacco) once offered my 1988 book, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis, for sale as \"vital\" for understanding \"the statist and paternalist world view of the Nazis\" and \"the health fascism of contemporary anti-smoking and 'health' lobbies\". In a forthcoming book 6 I list some of the many expressions used by the American industry to denigrate the science demonstrating tobacco hazards, including: \"Astounding\", \"unwarranted, absurd\" (1945); \"colored by prejudice\" (1945); \"crude experimentation\", \"mere opinion\" (1945); \"at best, only suggestive\" (1955); \"nothing new\" (1957); \"opinions of some statisticians\" (1957); \"biased and unproved charges\" (1959); \"scare stories\" (1959); \"time-worn and much-criticized statistical charges\" (1959); \"extreme and unwarranted conclusions\" (1959); \"foggy thinking\" (1962); \"a rehash of previously inconclusive findings\" (1962); \"the easy answer to a complex problem\" (1962); \"fanciful theories\" (1964); \"propaganda blast\" (1964); \"statistical volleyball\" (1965); \"utterly without factual support\" (1965); \"exaggerations and misstatements of fact\" (1967); \"guilt by association\" (1968); \"'guesses, assumptions, and suspicions\" (1968); \"worse than meaningless\" (1969); \"claptrap\" (1969); \"a bum rap\" (1969); \"colossal blunder\" (1970); \"one of the great scientific hoaxes of our time\" (1970); \"claims of the anti-cigarette forces\" (1971); \"repeated assertion without conclusive proof\" (circa 1971); \"misinformation\" (1972); \"conventional wisdom\" (1974); \"speculations, and conclusions based on speculations\" (1978); \"weak conjectures based on questionable assumptions\" (1979); \"unproved charges, exaggerated conclusions and largely one-sided interpretations of statistical data\" (1979); \"half the story\" (1981); \"dogmatic conclusions\" (1982); \"Orwellian 'Official Science',\" \"scientific malpractice\" (1984); \"outrageous claims\" (1995); \"statistical jiggery pokery\" (1995); \"bogus statistics\" (1995); etc.