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This paper studies alcohol consumption among low-income workers in India. In a 3-week field experiment, the majority of 229 cycle-rickshaw drivers were willing to forgo substantial monetary payments in order to set incentives for themselves to remain sober, thus exhibiting demand for commitment to sobriety. Randomly receiving sobriety incentives significantly reduced daytime drinking while leaving overall drinking unchanged. I find no evidence of higher daytime sobriety significantly changing labor supply, productivity, or earnings. In contrast, increasing sobriety raised savings by 50 percent, an effect that does not appear to be solely explained by changes in income net of alcohol expenditures.

Why do many societies moralize apparently harmless pleasures, such as lust, gluttony, alcohol, drugs, and even music and dance? Why do they erect temperance, asceticism, sobriety, modesty, and piety as cardinal moral virtues? According to existing theories, this puritanical morality cannot be reduced to concerns for harm and fairness: It must emerge from cognitive systems that did not evolve for cooperation (e.g., disgust-based “purity” concerns). Here, we argue that, despite appearances, puritanical morality is no exception to the cooperative function of moral cognition. It emerges in response to a key feature of cooperation, namely that cooperation is (ultimately) a long-term strategy, requiring (proximately) the self-control of appetites for immediate gratification. Puritanical moralizations condemn behaviors which, although inherently harmless, are perceived as indirectly facilitating uncooperative behaviors, by impairing the self-control required to refrain from cheating. Drinking, drugs, immodest clothing, and unruly music and dance are condemned as stimulating short-term impulses, thus facilitating uncooperative behaviors (e.g., violence, adultery, free-riding). Overindulgence in harmless bodily pleasures (e.g., masturbation, gluttony) is perceived as making people slave to their urges, thus altering abilities to resist future antisocial temptations. Daily self-discipline, ascetic temperance, and pious ritual observance are perceived as cultivating the self-control required to honor prosocial obligations. We review psychological, historical, and ethnographic evidence supporting this account. We use this theory to explain the fall of puritanism in western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) societies, and discuss the cultural evolution of puritanical norms. Explaining puritanical norms does not require adding mechanisms unrelated to cooperation in our models of the moral mind.

Alcohol is marketed to women as a glamorous and empowering reward for juggling the demands of work and family life. This essay explores the ways in which women who do not drink reject the feminization of alcohol and drinking practices and frame this rejection within discourses of feminist resistance. This essay draws on data collected as part of a mixed-method ethnographic research project that investigates women's use of, and participation in, online sobriety communities. Findings suggest that women who lead or utilize online sobriety communities have considerable awareness of the feminized marketing of alcohol, and some express strong ideological opposition to it. The marketing of alcohol is positioned as a predatory force that takes advantage of women's exhaustion as mothers and perpetuates the double standards associated with women's drinking. Sobriety may prompt a feminist awakening regarding the connections between the feminization of alcohol and women's inequality within society and, in turn, disrupt women's identification with post-feminist cultural representations of women's drinking practices. Through the public identification and critique of these marketing practices, women critically engage with feminism while raising consciousness and building a community of sober women.

Former drinkers in the UK are required to negotiate sobriety in a society that positions consumption (of alcohol but also more widely) as an important part of identity formation. A refusal to consume risks positioning the self outside of the established neoliberal order, particularly as traditional models of sobriety and ‘recovery’ position the non-drinker as diseased or flawed. As drinking rates decline across western contexts and new movements celebrating sobriety as a positive ‘lifestyle choice’ proliferate, this article will highlight ways in which sober women rework elements of traditional recovery models in order to construct an ‘enterprising self’ who remains a good consumer-citizen despite – or indeed because of – their refusal to drink. In doing so, this article enhances our understandings of the ways in which neoliberal notions of a successful, enterprising self can be incorporated into (re)constructions of the self and identity by ‘anti-consumers’ more widely.

The increase in women's drinking is one of the most prominent trends in alcohol consumption in the UK in recent history, possibly exacerbated by COVID-19 lockdown measures. Higher rates of drinking are associated with substantial economic, health, and social costs. However, women are less likely to seek treatment for Alcohol Use Disorder (AUD) than men and have less successful treatment outcomes from traditional treatment paths, such as 12-step programs and in-patient care. Female heavy drinkers may also experience particular forms of gendered stigma that affect their experiences of addiction and recovery and their desire or ability to access these more “traditional” services. This review provides an overview of existing qualitative and quantitative research regarding online sobriety communities that are predominantly utilised by women, such as non-12-step alcohol online support groups (AOSGs) and temporary abstinence initiatives (TAIs). This is a small—but expanding—body of literature emerging as “sober curiosity” and “mindful drinking” are trending in Western contexts such as the UK, particularly amongst young women who do not identify with traditional, binary recovery language such as “alcoholic” and “addict.” This review highlights the gaps in research and concludes that further research regarding these new treatment pathways, and women's experiences when utilising them, must be conducted to provide more evidence-based options for women who want to address problematic drinking. Public health bodies could also learn more effective strategies from these innovative solutions to reduce alcohol consumption generally.

In this paper, we extend bounded sobriety and k-bounded sobriety to the setting of Q-cotopological spaces, where Q is a commutative and integral quantale. The main results are: (1) The category BSobQ-CTop of all bounded sober Q-cotopological spaces is a full reflective subcategory of the category SQ-CTop of all stratified Q-cotopological spaces; (2) We present the relationships among Hausdorff, T₁, sobriety, bounded sobriety and k-bounded sobriety in the setting of Q-cotopological spaces; (3) For a linearly ordered quantale Q, a topological space X is bounded (resp., k-bounded) sober if and only if the corresponding Q-cotopological space ω Q (X) is bounded (resp., k-bounded) sober, where ω Q : Top → SQ-CTop is the well-known Lowen functor in fuzzy topology.

For more than two decades since the development of the Housing First model, there have been debates about the model's effectiveness in serving individuals experiencing homelessness. Although the Housing First model has various fidelity standards, its hallmark feature is the provision of immediate access to permanent, subsidized, independent housing with no prerequisites such as mandating treatment participation or requiring sobriety. This feature is theorized to provide an effective pathway for homeless individuals to achieve positive outcomes. Various time-trend analyses have been conducted showing that increases and decreases in homelessness have coincided with increases and decreases in housing vouchers, housing units, or implementation of the Housing First model during the same period. However, the old adage remains true that \"correlation does not equal causation,\" and these analyses are subject to threats to internal validity, such as history effects or other confounding factors occurring concurrently. Instead, one should look to the gold standard of research designs-the randomized controlled trial. I provide a brief synthesis of the evidence (or lack thereof) from randomized controlled trials for the Housing First model to further discussions and inform policymaking.

In the context of the growing impact of digital technology, this study explores the effectiveness of a gamified learning tool designed to educate higher education students about digital sobriety. The aim is to analyse the effects of two different learning scenarios on digital sobriety maturity, motivation to adopt responsible digital behaviour and the feeling of competence to act collectively. In an experimental approach, 107 students took part in a game-based learning experience (escape game) followed by the drafting of digital eco-gesture charters. One group was asked to take individual action, while the other was asked to take collective action. The results show that both scenarios improve digital maturity, with no significant difference between the two. However, the collective scenario reinforces the feeling of competence to act collectively. Finally, regardless of the scenario, the students appear to be motivated by intrinsic and identified reasons, underlining their awareness.

Reducing impaired driving requires a systematic, consistent, and multifaceted approach. There is strong evidence on the effectiveness of both direct and indirect measures. The strategy that has the most immediate and largest impact has been highly publicized, visible, and frequent impaired-driving enforcement, especially deploying sobriety checkpoints or random breath testing. Lowering legal blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limits for driving to 0.05 g/dL or lower has also had a world-wide impact. Raising the legal drinking age has been successful in the US and other countries in reducing young impaired-driver fatal crashes. Graduated drivers' licensing for youth has also been effective by restricting conditions under which youth can drive. Sanctions that reduce impaired-driving recidivism include special driving-under-the-influence (DUI)/driving-while-intoxicated (DWI) courts, mandatory alcohol ignition interlocks, and consistent alcohol-monitoring programs. Opportunities for further progress include better enforcement of the drinking age and refusing to serve obviously intoxicated patrons. Technology for detecting alcohol impairment and autonomous vehicles will also play an important role in future efforts to eliminate impaired driving.

In many health care and social service fields, considerable attention is paid to primary prevention (i.e., preventing a condition before it occurs) and secondary prevention (i.e., identifying and treating a condition as soon as possible after it occurs). However, tertiary prevention-defined as managing a condition after it has occurred or preventing recurrence-is a crucial component of long-term prevention, particularly when it focuses on preventing recurrence of a condition.In mental health and addiction treatment, a client may manage their symptoms or maintain sobriety, but clinical work is needed to focus on preventing relapse. In the criminal justice system, individuals convicted of a criminal offense may reoffend-an occurrence commonly referred to as \"recidivism.\" In the field of homeless services, research, and policy, researchers, advocates, and other stakeholders have long been interested in \"recidivism,\" \"relapse,\" or \"return\" to homelessness, but this phenomenon has not been explicitly addressed in past federal policy responses. This dynamic has shifted in the United States in recent years. For example, the US Interagency Council on Homelessness-the federal entity with primary responsibility for efforts to address homelessness-has stated its desire to make homelessness \"a rare, brief and one-time experience,\" thus implicitly articulating a goal of preventing repeated episodes of homelessness.1Moreover, the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) now requires communities to track returns to homelessness as part ofHUD's System Performance Measure no. 2 and considers performance on this measure in decisions about how federal homeless assistance dollars are allocated.2 Similarly, the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) has annually reported on returns to homelessness among veterans receiving services from the Supportive Services for Veteran Families program, its nationwide homelessness prevention and rapid rehousing program.3 In this article, we focus on HUD and VA, which operate the two largest US homeless service systems, but we acknowledge that the topic applies to other homeless service systems domestically and internationally.