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\"This book of approximately 300 letters provides access to the voice of Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe via the single most poignant resource that exists: his prison letters. Not only do these letters evince Sobukwe's storytelling abilities, they convey the complexity of a man who defied easy categorisation. More than this: they are testimony to both the desolate conditions of his imprisonment and to Sobukwe's unbending commitment to the cause of African liberation. The memory of Sobukwe, inspirational political leader and first President of the Pan Africanist Congress, has been consistently marginalized in histories of the liberation struggle. Given Sobukwe's antagonistic relations both to white liberalism and the African National Congress, it is unsurprising that he has been subjected to a 'consensus of forgetting'. This collection of letters brings Sobukwe's voice back to the fore\"--Back cover.

This book, comprising approximately 300 letters, provides access to the voice of Robert Sobukwe via the single most poignant resource of Sobukwe’s voice that exists: his prison letters. Not only do the letters evince Sobukwe’s storytelling abilities, they convey the complexity of a man who defied easy categorization. More than this: they are testimony both to the desolate conditions of his imprisonment and to Sobukwe’s unbending commitment to the cause of African liberation. The memory of Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, inspirational political leader and first President of the Pan-Africanist Congress, has been sadly neglected in post-apartheid South Africa. In 1960, Sobukwe led the Anti-Pass Protests, which culminated in the Sharpeville Massacre, which proved a crucial turning point in the eventual demise of apartheid. Nevertheless, Sobukwe – a man once thought to hold greater promise for the liberation of South Africa than even Nelson Mandela – has been consistently marginalised in histories of the liberation struggle. Jailed for nine years, including a six-year period of near complete solitary confinement on Robben Island, Sobukwe was silenced throughout his life, a condition that has been extended into the post-apartheid present, so much so that we can say that Sobukwe was better known during rather than after apartheid. Given Sobukwe’s antagonistic relations both to white liberalism and to the African National Congress (whom he felt had betrayed the principles of African Nationalism), it is unsurprising that he has been subjected to a ‘consensus of forgetting’. With the changing political climate of recent years, the decline of the African National Congress’s hegemonic hold on power, the re-emergence of Black Consciousness and Africanist political discourse, the growth of student protests, Sobukwe is being looked to once again. Robert Sobukwe, the founder and first leader of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), was silenced throughout his life, a condition which has been extended into the post-apartheid present. This book, comprising approximately 300 letters, provides access to his words via the single most poignant resource of Sobukwe’s own voice that exists: his prison letters. Not only do the letters evince Sobukwe’s storytelling abilities, they convey the complexity of a man who defied easy categorisation. More than this: they are testimony both to the desolate conditions of his imprisonment and to Sobukwe’s unbending commitment to the cause of African liberation. Although jailed for nine years, including a six-year period of near complete solitary confinement on Robben Island, Sobukwe was better known during rather than after apartheid. Given his antagonistic views to both white liberalism and the African National Congress (ANC) it is unsurprising that he has been subjected to a ‘consensus of forgetting’. With the changing political climate of recent years, the decline of the ANC’s hegemonic hold on power, the re-emergence of Black Consciousness and Africanist political discourse and the growth of student protests, Sobukwe is being looked to as a leader once again.

This article examines Bonganjalo Goba’s theological vision through the lens of Azanian Africanist critique, arguing that his historical awareness fundamentally shapes his theology as an Africanist theology. Goba’s work, particularly Agenda for Black Theology: Hermeneutics for Social Change, foregrounds conquest as the foundational injustice structuring black oppression, positioning black theology within the broader struggle for liberation. The article situates Goba’s theology within the Azanian intellectual tradition, engaging with Joel Modiri’s tenets of Azanian Africanist critique – specifically, the insistence that South Africa is an illegitimate settler-colonial construct requiring fundamental transformation. Central to this argument is Goba’s eschatology, which frames Azania as an eschatological horizon, rejecting Western theological frameworks that defer liberation to an otherworldly realm. Instead, Goba’s theological vision insists on the inseparability of history, faith and the political imperative of black self-determination. By engaging Goba’s theology alongside Azanian thinkers, this study demonstrates that his eschatology is not merely a doctrinal position but an urgent commitment to dismantling settler-colonial structures. In doing so, the article reclaims Goba’s relevance for contemporary black theological discourse, affirming that black theology must remain attuned to the unfinished struggle for liberation and the realisation of Azania as both a theological and political horizon.Intradisciplinary and interdisciplinary implicationsThis article creates commensurability between Goba’s theology and Azanian Africanist discourse (predominantly in law, political science and philosophy). It calls for rethinking theological reflection in relation to historical consciousness, settler colonialism and the black radical tradition within theological and religious studies.

In Managing Vulnerability, Richard C. Marback analyzes the tension surrounding the transition from apartheid to democracy in South Africa through a rhetorical lens. Marback studies the heart of South Africa’s desire for reconciliation and contends that this goal could be achieved only through the creation of a language of vulnerability in which former enemies become open to the influence of each other, to the constraints of their respective circumstances, and to the prospects of a shared future. Through a series of informative case studies, Marback illustrates how the cultivation of openness and the management of vulnerability take shape through the circulation of artifacts, symbols, and texts that give empowering expression to virtues of connectedness over the temptations of individual autonomy. Marback discusses the construction and impact of the narrative tours of Robben Island, the silencing of Robert Sobukwe, the debates over a proposed Freedom Monument, a brief gesture of ubuntu from Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela to Eugene de Kock, and the transformation of the title character in the film adaptation of the 1980 novel Tsotsi. Ultimately, Marback contends, finding a means to manage vulnerability is both the immediate success of and the ongoing challenge to South African democracy and is indicative of the nature of rhetoric in democracies in general and in contemporary civic life.

BackgroundSouth Africa has one of the highest incidences of rape globally. Understanding the epidemiological pattern of rape is needed to inform the design of effective intervention programmes for rape prevention and management of alleged rape cases.AimsTo investigate important epidemiological patterns associated with rape in Kimberly, Northern Cape Province, South Africa.SettingThe Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe Hospital (RMSH) forensic unit.MethodsA descriptive, retrospective cross-sectional clinical audit of rape cases.ResultsThe majority (93.3%) of the alleged rape victims were women, with a mean age (SD) of 21.6 years (11.3); the male population made up 6.7% of the cases, with a mean age (SD) of 10.5 years (6.9). The highest incidence of alleged rape in the male population was seen in the age group ≤ 16 years (81.8%) and for women 17–30 years (50.3%). Most of the incidents occurred at the perpetrators’ homes (42.7%); on the days Fridays (14.6%), Saturdays (29.9%) and Sundays (23.2%); at night up to midnight 20:00–23:59 (32.9%) (p = 0.01) and involved threats of violence (55.5%). The majority (56.0%) of the perpetrators were known to the victims.ConclusionImportant information about the victims and circumstances in which rape occurs as reported herein can be used to inform the design of effective intervention programmes for sexual crime prevention and management in Kimberly, South Africa.ContributionThis study helped to advance knowledge and understanding of the epidemiological pattern associated with rape in Kimberley, Northern Cape Province of South Africa.

This paper seeks to reaffirm the enduring contributions of Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, one of the most ignored iconic figures in the history of the South African struggle against colonial-apartheid. Thus, it argues that he was the most feared crusader against colonial-apartheid but through tendentious historiograph,y his legacy is being wished away from the history of the country, although only now is he being acknowledged by students desperate for answers in the context of decolonial 'new South Africa'.

Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe's 1959 inaugural speech for the Pan Africanist Congress is presented. here, Sobukwe discusses the international scene, where Africa fits in, national movements and other topics.

[Molusi], 87, popularly known as \"Son of Soil\" in PAC circles and neighbouring countries for his dedication to the formation of the \"United States of Africa\", died of natural causes on August 12, following a brief admission at Edenvale Hospital. Molusi later became instrumental in the formation of Poqo, the PAC's military wing, and the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA). Marumo was also jailed several times, including on Robben Island for PAC underground activities.

[Molusi], 87, popularly known as \"Son of Soil\" in PAC circles and neighbouring countries for his dedication to the formation of the \"United States of Africa\", died of natural causes on August 12, following a brief admission at Edenvale Hospital. At the time of his death, Molusi was living at Itlhokomeleng Old Age Home in Alexandra. \"According to his contemporaries, Molusi naturally aligned himself to [Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe] after the ANC abandoned the 1949 Programme of Action and it adopted the Freedom Charter in 1955,\" [Kenneth Mokgatlhe] said.