Explore the vast range of titles available.

Historian David Moss adapts the case study method made famous by Harvard Business School to revitalize our conversations about governance and democracy and show how the United States has often thrived on political conflict. These 19 cases ask us to weigh choices and consequences, wrestle with momentous decisions, and come to our own conclusions.-- Provided by publisher

At first glance, the U.S. decision to escalate the war in Vietnam in the mid-1960s, China's position on North Korea's nuclear program in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and the EU resolution to lift what remained of the arms embargo against Libya in the mid-2000s would appear to share little in common. Yet each of these seemingly unconnected and far-reaching foreign policy decisions resulted at least in part from the exercise of a unique kind of coercion, one predicated on the intentional creation, manipulation, and exploitation of real or threatened mass population movements. In Weapons of Mass Migration , Kelly M. Greenhill offers the first systematic examination of this widely deployed but largely unrecognized instrument of state influence. She shows both how often this unorthodox brand of coercion has been attempted (more than fifty times in the last half century) and how successful it has been (well over half the time). She also tackles the questions of who employs this policy tool, to what ends, and how and why it ever works. Coercers aim to affect target states' behavior by exploiting the existence of competing political interests and groups, Greenhill argues, and by manipulating the costs or risks imposed on target state populations. This \"coercion by punishment\" strategy can be effected in two ways: the first relies on straightforward threats to overwhelm a target's capacity to accommodate a refugee or migrant influx; the second, on a kind of norms-enhanced political blackmail that exploits the existence of legal and normative commitments to those fleeing violence, persecution, or privation. The theory is further illustrated and tested in a variety of case studies from Europe, East Asia, and North America. To help potential targets better respond to-and protect themselves against-this kind of unconventional predation, Weapons of Mass Migration also offers practicable policy recommendations for scholars, government officials, and anyone concerned about the true victims of this kind of coercion-the displaced themselves. At first glance, the U.S. decision to escalate the war in Vietnam in the mid-1960s, China's position on North Korea's nuclear program in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and the EU resolution to lift what remained of the arms embargo against Libya in the mid-2000s would appear to share little in common. Yet each of these seemingly unconnected and far-reaching foreign policy decisions resulted at least in part from the exercise of a unique kind of coercion, one predicated on the intentional creation, manipulation, and exploitation of real or threatened mass population movements. In Weapons of Mass Migration , Kelly M. Greenhill offers the first systematic examination of this widely deployed but largely unrecognized instrument of state influence. She shows both how often this unorthodox brand of coercion has been attempted (more than fifty times in the last half century) and how successful it has been (well over half the time). She also tackles the questions of who employs this policy tool, to what ends, and how and why it ever works. Coercers aim to affect target states' behavior by exploiting the existence of competing political interests and groups, Greenhill argues, and by manipulating the costs or risks imposed on target state populations. This \"coercion by punishment\" strategy can be effected in two ways: the first relies on straightforward threats to overwhelm a target's capacity to accommodate a refugee or migrant influx; the second, on a kind of norms-enhanced political blackmail that exploits the existence of legal and normative commitments to those fleeing violence, persecution, or privation. The theory is further illustrated and tested in a variety of case studies from Europe, East Asia, and North America. To help potential targets better respond to-and protect themselves against-this kind of unconventional predation, Weapons of Mass Migration also offers practicable policy recommendations for scholars, government officials, and anyone concerned about the true victims of this kind of coercion-the displaced themselves.

Precarity and Belonging examines how the movement of people and their incorporation, marginalization, and exclusion, under epochal conditions of labor and social precarity affecting both citizens and noncitizens, have challenged older notions of citizenship and alienage. This collection brings mobility, precarity, and citizenship together in order to explore the points of contact and friction, and, thus, the spaces for a possible politics of commonality between citizens and noncitizens.The editors ask: What does modern citizenship mean in a world of citizens, denizens, and noncitizens, such as undocumented migrants, guest workers, permanent residents, refugees, detainees, and stateless people? How is the concept of citizenship, based on assumptions of deservingness, legality, and productivity, challenged when people of various and competing statuses and differential citizenship practices interact with each other, revealing their co-constitutive connections? How is citizenship valued or revalued when labor and social precarity impact those who seemingly have formal rights and those who seemingly or effectively do not? This book interrogates such binaries as citizen/noncitizen, insider/outsider, entitled/unentitled, \"legal\"/\"illegal,\" and deserving/undeserving in order to explore the fluidity--that is, the dynamism and malleability--of the spectra of belonging.    

The Cameroon Grassfields, home to three ethnic groups – Grassfields societies, Mbororo, and Hausa – provide a valuable case study for the anthropological examination of identity politics and interethnic relations. In the midst of the political liberalization of Cameroon in the late 1990s and 2000s, local responses to political and legal changes took the form of a series of performative and discursive expressions of ethnicity. Confrontational encounters stimulated by economic and political rivalry, as well as socially integrative processes, transformed collective self-understanding in Cameroon in conjunction with recent global discourses on human, minority, and indigenous rights. The book provides a vital contribution to the study of ethnicity, conflict, and social change in the anthropology of Africa.

The ongoing crisis in Darfur, Sudan has stimulated a huge amount of political and academic interest across the world. The crisis has been both reflective and constitutive of key areas of contestation and change within contemporary international society. This book examines the crisis in Darfur as a case study of some of the wider debates currently taking place within International Relations theory. Using the conceptual framework developed by English School theorists, specifically their concept of international society and the related idea of \"good international citizenship\", this book examines a wide range of issues: foreign policy analysis, theories of norm diffusion, international organizations, peace operations, international criminal justice and war law, the causes and nature of contemporary warfare, and the international relations of Africa. Making an important contribution to the debate about the meaning and limits of international society, this book will be of interest to students and scholars international relations theory, international security, foreign policy, international organizations, human rights, African politics, genocide studies and international law. Introduction: International Society and the Crisis in Darfur Paul D. Williams and David R. Black Part 1: Regional Politics 1. The Government of Sudan and the Darfurian Armed Groups I.D.F. and Munzoul Assal 2. Regional Politics and the Darfur Crisis Lee J.M. Seymour Part 2: Multilateral Politics 3. The United Nations Security Council Michael MacKinnon 4. The African Union Cristina Badescu and Linnea Bergholm 5. The European Union Rory Keene and Asbjorn Wee 6. The International Criminal Court William A. Schabas Part 3: Bilateral Politics 7. The United States Scott Stedjan and Colin Thomas-Jensen 8. The People’s Republic of China Ian Taylor 9. The United Kingdom Paul D. Williams 10. France Bruno Charbonneau 11. Canada David R. Black. Conclusion David R. Black and Paul D. Williams 'This collection of essays provide an elegant reminder of why international society is a contested concept and Darfur is a contested conflict. A first-rate piece of work about the central dilemmas facing governments, international organizations, NGOs, and citizens.' - Professor Thomas G. Weiss, The CUNY Graduate Center, USA 'Despite the attention focused on the conflict in Darfur since it broke out in 20003, there have been few systematic studies that probe the role of major regional and international players in the conflict. Black and Williams’ The International Politics of Atrocities: The Case of Darfur, fills this lacunae. Against the backdrop of the turbulence in Sudanese politics, the book has cogently assembled a broad range of expertise to examine the roles of multilateral and bilateral actors. The chapters are neatly woven around the organizing theme of the possibilities and limits to good international citizenship. The book is bound to find wide readership and improve our understanding of the complexity of external action and inaction in Darfur.' - Gilbert M. Khadiagala, Jan Smuts Professor of International Relations, The University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa 'For me, this important book teaches us, through the evidence provided by regional specialists on Darfur from a variety of countries, that there is less to the notions of 'international society', 'international community', 'good international citizenship', 'solidarism', and 'responsibility to protect' than their official and academic proponents claim. Tragically, such a verdict is always likely to be starkest when 'mass atrocities' occur in Africa.' - Professor Ken Booth FBA, Senior Research Associate, Aberystwyth University, UK 'It will …be an invaluable resource for scholars of Darfur, human rights, and humanitarian intervention.' - Kenneth A. Rodman, William R. Cotter Distinguished Professor of Government, Colby College, USA 'This is an excellent volume: well-conceived, designed, researched and written… represents the very best of case-specific scholarship on the difficult (issue) of collective responses to genocidal conflict…(N)icely integrates IR theory and the details of this particular case. The study blends well broader concerns such as the existence and capacity of an \"international society\" and the tenaciously problematic case of Darfur.…gives the international response to Darfur a clear yardstick and we gain real insights into the challenges of the context and the failures of a robust and effective international response.' - Tim Sisk, Professor and Director, Center for Sustainable Development and International Peace, Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver David R. Black is Director of the Centre for Foreign Policy Studies and Associate Professor in Political Science at Dalhousie University, Canada. His current research interests focus on Canada and Sub-Saharan Africa, with emphases on human security, development assistance, multilateral diplomacy and extractive industry investment. Paul D. Williams is Associate Professor of International Affairs and Associate Director, Security Policy Studies Program at George Washington University, USA. He also serves as Faculty Adviser for students with concentrations in Conflict & Conflict Resolution. He specializes in issues of conflict resolution, international peacekeeping and Africa's international relations.

The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.

For decades, the banking industry seemed to be a Swiss watch, quietly ticking along. But the recent financial crisis hints at the true nature of this sector. As Simone Polillo reveals inConservatives Versus Wildcats, conflict is a driving force. Conservative bankers strive to control money by allying themselves with political elites to restrict access to credit. Barriers to credit create social resistance, so rival bankers-wildcats-attempt to subvert the status quo by using money as a tool for breaking existing boundaries. For instance, wildcats may increase the circulation of existing currencies, incorporate new actors in financial markets, or produce altogether new financial instruments to create change. Using examples from the economic and social histories of 19th-century America and Italy, two decentralized polities where challenges to sound banking originated from above and below, this book reveals the collective tactics that conservative bankers devise to legitimize strict boundaries around credit-and the transgressive strategies that wildcat bankers employ in their challenge to this restrictive stance.

This book examines the circumstances under which aid can contribute to the management and transformation of intra-state conflicts. How and when do insurgents govern? How does the presence of aid and social services influence how insurgents govern? Under what circumstances can aid contribute to the management and transformation of civil wars? The established literature in this area argues that aid exacerbates civil wars where resources are scarce as greedy rebels steal resources for themselves. This book, however, argues that under certain conditions such greed can be good. Drawing on primary research from three very different conflicts - Northern Ireland (1969-1998), southern Sudan (1983-2005) and Tajikistan (1992-1997) - and more than 10 years' experience working in and researching humanitarian crises, this study breaks new ground through its wide-ranging comparison of conflicts. The book argues that insurgent efforts to reap rewards from aid and social services have in turn facilitated organizational changes and that these changes, while they may have had conflict-enhancing effects in the short term, have also contributed to conflict transformation over the long term. This book will be of much interest to students of insurgencies, civil wars, comparative politics, conflict management, humanitarian emergencies, public health and IR/Security Studies in general.

This article introduces a mode of social action and interaction that has so far been largely overlooked in the U.S.-dominated international relations debate between rational choice and social constructivism that focuses mainly on the differences between instrumental rationality and norm-guided behavior. Drawing on insights from a theoretical debate within the Germanspeaking international relations community, I suggest that actors have a third mode of social action at their disposal: arguing and deliberating about the validity claims inherent in any communicative statement about identities, interests, and the state of the world. Arguing and truth-seeking behavior presuppose that actors no longer hold fixed interests during their communicative interaction but are open to persuasion, challenges, and counterchallenges geared toward reaching a reasoned consensus. The preconditions for argumentative rationality, particularly a “common lifeworld” and the mutual recognition of speakers as equals in a nonhierarchical relationship, are more common in international relations than is usually assumed. Arguing processes are more likely to occur the more actors are uncertain about their interests and even identities, the less they know about the situation in which they find themselves and the underlying “rules of the game,” and the more apparently irreconcilable differences prevent them from reaching an optimal rather than a merely satisfactory solution for a widely perceived problem (“problem solving”). Moreover, arguing is likely to increase the influence of the materially less powerful, be it small states or nonstate actors such as INGOs. I illustrate these claims empirically with two plausibility probes. The first concerns the East–West talks leading to a negotiated settlement of the Cold War in Europe and German unification within NATO. The second case focuses on the implementation of international human rights norms into domestic practices of Third World states.

What kind of policy analysis is required now that governments increasingly encounter the limits of governing? Exploring the contexts of politics and policy making, this 2003 book presents an original analysis of the relationship between state and society, and new possibilities for collective learning and conflict resolution. The key insight of the book is that democratic governance calls for a new deliberatively-oriented policy analysis. Traditionally policy analysis has been state-centered, based on the assumption that central government is self-evidently the locus of governing. Drawing on detailed empirical examples, the book examines the influence of developments such as increasing ethnic and cultural diversity, the complexity of socio-technical systems, and the impact of transnational arrangements on national policy making. This contextual approach indicates the need to rethink the relationship between social theory, policy analysis, and politics. The book is essential reading for all those involved in the study of public policy.