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The article is a preliminary effort to join neo-positive and historical institutional analysis from comparative politics with insights from discursive and phenomenological analysis. It highlights a message arising from a South Korean film related to moral–ethical dimensions and the implications of development policy. Taken in symbolic as well as empirical terms, the film proffers that economic development policy not attending to political institutional development—including correct institutional practices at the micro-level—is feeding Asia’s demons (e.g., asuras) rather than its forces of stability and (rational, democratic, participatory) political order. The film suggests that institutional atrophy and social decay may emerge from the breakdown of political institutions and participatory politics as a political system moves from rationalized institutions and practices into what the current work calls, “mafia politics.” Political ritual and political theatre are actively employed in the film in ritualized acts of the desecration of political order. The current work suggests that the analysis of symbolic representations relating to ritual politics and performativity (e.g., “political theatre”) located in certain art forms, such as international film, may be useful in studies of religion and politics, and in qualitative comparative political and historical institutional analysis more broadly.

Hoffman Square, Driehoek Neighbourhood Park and Old Regional Park are public spaces in Mangaung. Henri Lefebvre’s The Production of Space and Elements of Rhythmanalysis are explored in the analysis of these public spaces’ organised representations, representational uses and rhythmic spatial practices. This article found that: (1) public spaces in Mangaung are lived spaces that are regularly appropriated by inhabitants whose unpoliced social practices of vandalism and littering—along with the harsh regional climate—deteriorate the physical quality of the public spaces, secreting environmental incivility in the public spaces; (2) cyclical rhythms of night and day times have a practical impact on the spatial practices of each public space in spite of their design and location. For example, day-time entails high and rapid levels of public space uses while night-time diffuses these dynamics significantly; and (3) Mangaung’s spatial plans encourage the liberal uses of its public spaces however, it fails to enforce its by-laws to curb experienced physical decay of, and environmental incivility in, the public spaces. This increases the vulnerability of its public spaces to external shocks—emanating from nature and society—thus depriving the public spaces of an opportunity to be perceived as alternatives for urban regeneration and local economic revitalisation.

OWEN WISTER (1860-1938) is now best known as the author of The Virginian, a novel published in 1902 and one of the founding documents in the enduring and endlessly evolving conception of the American frontier in general and the western hero in particular.The grandson of Fanny Kemble, one of the most celebrated actresses of the nineteenth century, he was born in Philadelphia, educated in boarding schools in Europe and the United States, and graduated summa cum laude from Harvard in 1882. [...]comes the renowned remark, when they tell him of Grant's intemperance: \"I wish I knew what brand of whiskey he drinks. Great will and great indolence met about equally in Grant; therefore he stood still, needing a push from without to move him. [...]that day he resembled a large animal hibernating. [...]he had no manners, which is far better than having bad ones, to be sure; and a certain something in him seems to have held even the most familiar at a distance.

In this article, I examine detritus as a central trope for post-transitional South African society, an idea that, I argue, has particular relevance for Ivan Vladislavić's second short story collection, Propaganda by Monuments. As a point of departure, I use Leon de Kock's idea of the \"democratic moment\" – the moment of radical globalization coinciding with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the crumbling of apartheid bureaucracy. In this new \"democratic\" age, cultural detritus - remnants, fragments and addenda - begins to circulate and litter transnational contexts, finding its way into the unlikeliest of spaces, producing cultural resonances, echoes and cross-talk. In Propaganda by Monuments, detritus carries exotic charges of meaning, and allows for alternative ways of seeing the urban landscape in the new democratic era, in which the nation state has begun its process of dissipation. As such, Propaganda by Monuments can perhaps be read as a prelude to Vladislavić's third collection of stories, 101 Detectives, in which the detritus has been swept away, and polished surfaces are angled towards the protagonists, and the reader, narrowing their margins for subjectivity and self-styling.

The Summer 2015 issue of Ploughshares , guest-edited by Lauren Groff. Ploughshares , a journal of new writing, is guest-edited serially by prominent writers who explore different and personal visions, aesthetics, and literary circles. Acclaimed novelist and short-story writer Lauren Groff ( The Monsters of Templeton, Delicate Edible Birds ) guest-edits this all-fiction issue. As Groff writes in her introduction, “I am searching for work that is written with blood or bile or choler, not necessarily sweat alone.” Featuring narratives that range from a woman falling in love with a dead man (“In the Flesh, We Shone” by Alex Shakar) to the effect a traveling circus has on an entire town (“The Miracle Years of Little Fork” by Rebecca Makkai), these stories explore humanity through the bizarre and unexpected. This issue includes new work from Lydia Davis, Daniel Peña, Helen Oyeyemi, Fiona Maazel, and more. The Summer 2015 issue also features Thomas Pruiksma’s Plan B essay about his first love of magic, a look at the prolific author Peter De Vries, and an interview with Nick Arvin, the Alice Hoffman Prize Winner.

Pierre Bourdieu (1932-2002), French sociologist whose work has important influence both on sociological theory and in social and political arenas, published «Poverty in the World» in 1993. Together with a team of collaborators, among whom are sociologists like Loïc Wacquant or Patrick Champagne, Bourdieu shows us an important compilation of in-depth interviews conducted with a broad spectrum of individuals. In these interviews, he studies the repercussions of the new economic and socio political situation on their lives. «Poverty in the World» seeks to reveal the structural relationships underlying different situations of «social poverty«, which form part of the daily life of thousands of ordinary citizens at different social levels in France in the nineties. Within their pages appear suburban youth, workers who retired early, teachers and social workers, immigrants of different generations, police officers, magistrates, businessmen… It is not a portrait of «dire poverty«, but rather the «difficult places» where, like the doctor confronting illness, the sociologist must go beyond the «symptoms» shown by the mass media or political discourse to make inquiries about the underlying authentic dialectic relationships, making visible the invisible in a consequential work of the social scientist in the world in which he lives. Pierre Bourdieu is one of the social scientists who most stood out in the political arena, especially in the last phase of his public life, where he sought to place his theoretical analyses at the service of the social problems of his day. His analyses continue being valid in contemporary situations, such as the riots that took place in the French slums last autumn.

Pierre Bourdieu (1932-2002), French sociologist whose work has important influence both on sociological theory and in social and political arenas, published «Poverty in the World» in 1993. Together with a team of collaborators, among whom are sociologists like Loïc Wacquant or Patrick Champagne, Bourdieu shows us an important compilation of in-depth interviews conducted with a broad spectrum of individuals. In these interviews, he studies the repercussions of the new economic and socio political situation on their lives. «Poverty in the World» seeks to reveal the structural relationships underlying different situations of «social poverty«, which form part of the daily life of thousands of ordinary citizens at different social levels in France in the nineties. Within their pages appear suburban youth, workers who retired early, teachers and social workers, immigrants of different generations, police officers, magistrates, businessmen… It is not a portrait of «dire poverty«, but rather the «difficult places» where, like the doctor confronting illness, the sociologist must go beyond the «symptoms» shown by the mass media or political discourse to make inquiries about the underlying authentic dialectic relationships, making visible the invisible in a consequential work of the social scientist in the world in which he lives. Pierre Bourdieu is one of the social scientists who most stood out in the political arena, especially in the last phase of his public life, where he sought to place his theoretical analyses at the service of the social problems of his day. His analyses continue being valid in contemporary situations, such as the riots that took place in the French slums last autumn.

Pierre Bourdieu (1932-2002), French sociologist whose work has important influence both on sociological theory and in social and political arenas, published «Poverty in the World» in 1993. Together with a team of collaborators, among whom are sociologists like Loïc Wacquant or Patrick Champagne, Bourdieu shows us an important compilation of in-depth interviews conducted with a broad spectrum of individuals. In these interviews, he studies the repercussions of the new economic and socio political situation on their lives. «Poverty in the World» seeks to reveal the structural relationships underlying different situations of «social poverty«, which form part of the daily life of thousands of ordinary citizens at different social levels in France in the nineties. Within their pages appear suburban youth, workers who retired early, teachers and social workers, immigrants of different generations, police officers, magistrates, businessmen… It is not a portrait of «dire poverty«, but rather the «difficult places» where, like the doctor confronting illness, the sociologist must go beyond the «symptoms» shown by the mass media or political discourse to make inquiries about the underlying authentic dialectic relationships, making visible the invisible in a consequential work of the social scientist in the world in which he lives. Pierre Bourdieu is one of the social scientists who most stood out in the political arena, especially in the last phase of his public life, where he sought to place his theoretical analyses at the service of the social problems of his day. His analyses continue being valid in contemporary situations, such as the riots that took place in the French slums last autumn.

We have now seen the grand historical forces that cause societal decline and fall. “Grand” historical forces does not mean “inevitable” historical forces. When many people hear about long-term economic forces or global political forces, they assume these forces are all-powerful. The macrodynamics are supposedly all backed by giant capitalists that control everything; the economic magnates will buy whatever they need to get what they want. This includes governments and foreign nations. The top elite has choices. You don’t. Or the macrodynamics are based on market forces that have historical inevitability. The free market has its own cycles and its