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In this volume, contributors follow physicians, demographers, nutrition experts, physical anthropologists, colonial agents, military officials and missionaries in colonies all over the globe, with specific attention to how they tried to sort out pressing health problems of populations they perceived to be diverse.

This volume is based upon a review of available literature and intervention experiences selected from modern and traditional societies. It is augmented by the lessons learned through the editors′ experience in teaching courses on health communication and foundation of health behavior in graduate public health programs at several leading universities in the United States and abroad over two decades. Examples and implications are also drawn from extensive involvement in diverse health and health communication projects, such as the on-going community-based public health project in South Central Los Angeles sponsored by UCLA and the Kellogg Foundation. This particular project is designed to develop health promotion communication interventions.

Focusing on practice more than theory, this collection offers new perspectives for studying the so-called \"humoral medical traditions,\" as they have flourished around the globe during the last 2,000 years. Exploring notions of \"balance\" in medical cultures across Eurasia, Africa and the Americas, from antiquity to the present, the volume revisits \"harmony\" and \"holism\" as main characteristics of those traditions. It foregrounds a dynamic notion of balance and asks how balance is defined or conceptualized, by whom, for whom and in what circumstances. Balance need not connoteegalitarianism or equilibrium. Rather, it alludes to morals of self care exercised in place of excessiveness and indulgences after long periods of a life in dearth. As the moral becomes visceral, the question arises: what constitutes the visceral in a body that is in constant flux and flow? How far, and in what ways, are there fundamental properties or constituents in those bodies?

Healthcare providers in the American medical system may find that patients from different cultures bring unfamiliar expectations, anxieties, and needs into the examination room. To provide optimal care for all patients, it is important to see differences from the patient's perspective and to work with patients from a range of demographics.Caring for Patients from Different Cultureshas been a vital resource for nurses and physicians for more than twenty years, offering hundreds of case studies that illustrate crosscultural conflicts or misunderstandings as well as examples of culturally competent health care. Now in its fifth edition,Caring for Patients from Different Culturescovers a wide range of topics, including birth, end of life, communication, traditional medicine, mental health, pain, religion, and multicultural staff challenges. This edition includes more than sixty new cases with an expanded appendix, introduces a new chapter on improving adherence, and updates the concluding chapter with examples of changes various hospitals have made to accommodate cultural differences. Grounded in concepts from the fields of cultural diversity and medical anthropology,Caring for Patients from Different Culturesprovides healthcare workers with a frame of reference for understanding cultural differences and sound alternatives for providing the best possible care to multicultural communities.

The unmet need for mental health care is a global concern. There is a lack of cross-cultural studies examining adolescent help-seeking behavior from both formal and informal sources, including both high-and lower-income countries. This study investigates mental health help-seeking behavior in eight Asian and European countries. Data from 13,184 adolescents aged 13–15 (51% girls) was analysed using mixed-effects logistic regression with school-wise random intercepts to compare countries and genders. Although a significant proportion of adolescents considered getting or sought informal help, formal help-seeking remained exceptionally low, especially in middle-income countries (< 1%), while it ranged from 2 to 7% in high-income countries. Among adolescents with high emotional and behavioral problems (scoring above the 90th percentile on the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire), 1–2% of those in middle-income countries and 6–25% of those in high-income countries sought formal help. Girls generally seek more help than boys. The study shows the most adolescents do not receive formal help for mental health problems. The unmet need gap is enormous, especially in lower-income countries. Informal sources of support, including relatives, peers, and teachers, play a crucial role, especially in lower-income countries.

Since the 1970s, understanding of the effects of trauma, including flashbacks and withdrawal, has become widespread in the United States. As a result Americans can now claim that the phrase posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is familiar even if the American Psychiatric Association's criteria for diagnosis are not. As embedded as these ideas now are in the American mindset, however, they are more widely applicable, this volume attempts to show, than is generally recognized. The essays inCulture and PTSDtrace how trauma and its effects vary across historical and cultural contexts. Culture and PTSDexamines the applicability of PTSD to other cultural contexts and details local responses to trauma and the extent they vary from PTSD as defined in the American Psychiatric Association'sDiagnostic and Statistical Manual. Investigating responses in Peru, Indonesia, Haiti, and Native American communities as well as among combat veterans, domestic abuse victims, and adolescents, contributors attempt to address whether PTSD symptoms are present and, if so, whether they are a salient part of local responses to trauma. Moreover, the authors explore other important aspects of the local presentation and experience of trauma-related disorder, whether the Western concept of PTSD is known to lay members of society, and how the introduction of PTSD shapes local understandings and the course of trauma-related disorders. By attempting to determine whether treatments developed for those suffering PTSD in American and European contexts are effective in global settings of violence or disaster,Culture and PTSDquestions the efficacy of international responses that focus on trauma. Contributors:Carmela Alcántara, Tom Ball, James K. Boehnlein, Naomi Breslau, Whitney Duncan, Byron J. Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good, Jesse H. Grayman, Bridget M. Haas, Devon E. Hinton, Erica James, Janis H. Jenkins, Hanna Kienzler, Brandon Kohrt, Roberto Lewis-Fernández, Richard J. McNally, Theresa D. O'Nell, Duncan Pedersen, Nawaraj Upadhaya, Carol M. Worthman, Allan Young

With considerable debate concerning the impact of culture on the expression of callous–unemotional (CU) traits, it is unclear whether the core features of CU traits generalize to youth across cultures. This study aimed to examine whether cultural differences are reflected in the core features of CU traits and the associations among these features. Network analysis was employed to identify the core features and to examine the network structure of CU traits operationalized by the Inventory of Callous Unemotional traits (ICU) in four community youth samples from different nations (Australia, N = 190; the UK, N = 437; the USA, N = 330; China, N = 503). The item “Apologizes to people” was identified as a cross-cultural core feature in the ICU network with a greater centrality of this item compared to others in all four samples. In addition, some items were identified as culture-specific core features in the network, differing in their centrality across samples. The network structures of the youth self-report ICU items were moderately similar across samples, while the structures of parent-report items showed substantial differences. These findings have important implications for cross-cultural research on CU traits as well as practical implications for screening and treatment. The core features of ICU appear to be generalizable in youth across cultures, although cultural-specific manifestations should be noted.

Homicide is an important cause of premature mortality globally, but evidence for the magnitude of homicides by intimate partners is scarce and hampered by the large amount of missing information about the victim–offender relationship. The objective of the study was to estimate global and regional prevalence of intimate partner homicide. A systematic search of five databases (Medline, Global Health, Embase, Social Policy, and Web of Science) yielded 2167 abstracts, and resulted in the inclusion of 118 full-text articles with 1122 estimates of the prevalence of intimate partner homicide after double-blind screening. All studies were included that reported the number or proportion of women or men who were murdered by an intimate partner in a country, province, or town, using an inclusive definition of an intimate partner. Additionally, a survey of official sources of 169 countries provided a further 53 estimates. We selected one estimate per country-year using a quality assessment decision algorithm. The median prevalence of intimate partner homicide was calculated by country and region overall, and for women and men separately. Data were obtained for 66 countries. Overall 13·5% (IQR 9·2–18·2) of homicides were committed by an intimate partner, and this proportion was six times higher for female homicides than for male homicides (38·6%, 30·8–45·3, vs 6·3%, 3·1–6·3). Median percentages for all (male and female) and female intimate partner homicide were highest in high-income countries (all, 14·9%, 9·2–18·2; female homicide, 41·2%, 30·8–44·5) and in southeast Asia (18·8%, 11·3–18·8; 58·8%, 58·8–58·8). Adjustments to account for unknown victim–offender relationships generally increased the prevalence, suggesting that results presented are conservative. At least one in seven homicides globally and more than a third of female homicides are perpetrated by an intimate partner. Such violence commonly represents the culmination of a long history of abuse. Strategies to reduce homicide risk include increased investment in intimate partner violence prevention, risk assessments at different points of care, support for women experiencing intimate partner violence, and control of gun ownership for people with a history of violence. Improvements in country-level data collection and monitoring systems are also essential, because data availability and quality varied strongly across regions. WHO, Sigrid Rausing Trust, and the UK Economic and Social Research Council.