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The Political Worlds of Slavery and Freedom
Pulitzer Prize-winner Steven Hahn's provocative new book challenges deep-rooted views in the writing of American and African-American history. Moving from slave emancipations of the eighteenth century through slave activity during the Civil War and on to the black power movements of the twentieth century, he asks us to rethink African-American history and politics in bolder, more dynamic terms. Throughout, Hahn presents African Americans as central actors in the arenas of American politics, while emphasizing traditions of self-determination, self-governance, and self-defense.
eBook
Race and Radicalism in the Union Army
In this compelling portrait of interracial activism, Mark A. Lause documents the efforts of radical followers of John Brown to construct a triracial portion of the Federal Army of the Frontier. Mobilized and inspired by the idea of a Union that would benefit all, black, Indian, and white soldiers fought side by side, achieving remarkable successes in the field. Against a backdrop of idealism, racism, greed, and the agonies and deprivations of combat, Lause examines links between radicalism and reform, on the one hand, and racialized interactions among blacks, Indians, and whites, on the other._x000B__x000B_Lause examines how this multiracial vision of American society developed on the Western frontier. Focusing on the men and women who supported Brown in territorial Kansas, Lause examines the impact of abolitionist sentiment on relations with Indians and the crucial role of nonwhites in the conflict. Through this experience, Indians, blacks, and whites began to see their destinies as interdependent, and Lause discusses the radicalizing impact of this triracial Unionism upon the military course of the war in the upper Trans-Mississippi._x000B__x000B_The aftermath of the Civil War destroyed much of the memory of the war in the West, particularly in the Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). The opportunity for an interracial society was quashed by the government's willingness to redefine the lucrative field of Indian exploitation for military and civilian officials and contractors. _x000B__x000B_Assessing the social interrelations, ramifications, and military impact of nonwhites in the Union forces, Race and Radicalism in the Union Army explores the extent of interracial thought and activity among Americans in this period and greatly expands the historical narrative on the Civil War in the West.
eBook
Between World-Imagining and World-Making: Politics of Fin-de-Siècle Universalism and Transimperial Indo-U.S. Brotherhood
Universalism has driven many imaginations of the world. From civilizational discourse to cosmopolitan ethics, universalism as an idea and ideal have mobilized various political units, social activism, and religious movements. This article introduces a hitherto neglected expression of religious universalism in the fin-de-siècle—Indo-U.S. brotherhood. Unlike other colonial Indian and U.S.-American connections, this alliance was designed to be ephemeral and rooted in the transimperial moment of rising U.S. power, rather than in anti-imperialism. The article traces the emergence, dispersion, and afterlives of transimperial Indo-U.S. brotherhood to reveal the politics of universalism, which involved processes of marginalization and unfolded around the intersection of gender, race, and religion. The article reorients us to move beyond the important discussion of “multiple universals” and to place ephemerality and exclusion at the center of our historical investigation of how universalism has shaped diverse world-imagination and world-making.
Journal Article
Appraising the progressive state
Since its origins in the late 19th century, the most salient characteristics of the progressive state have been marginalism in economics, the greatly increased use of scientific theory and data in policy making, and the encouragement of broad electoral participation. All have served to make progressive policy less stable than classical and other more laissez-faire alternatives. However, the progressive state has also performed better than alternatives by every economic measure. One of the progressive state's biggest vulnerabilities is commonly said to be its susceptibility to special interest capture. The progressive state makes many decisions via either legislation or administrative agencies, and both are thought to be prone to special interest control at the expense of the public. Nevertheless, the superior economic performance of the progressive state calls that conclusion into question. How can a state policy that is so prone to special interest capture also produce superior results? One severe weakness of the capture argument against the progressive state is that it uses the free market as a baseline for identifying what is in the public interest. Under such a standard, any political theory that believes that market failure is more widespread and in need of correction will generate too many false positives suggesting capture. In fact, special interest capture often explains failures to regulate as much as special interest regulation itself, and today the former dominates the latter on many important issues. Ironically, one exacerbating factor in producing such capture is the structural features of the Constitution itself, which place much higher burdens on those seeking to regulate than on those seeking to resist regulation.
Journal Article
Slavery, resistance, freedom
Americans have always defined themselves in terms of their freedoms--of speech, of religion, of political dissent. How we interpret our history of slavery--the ultimate denial of these freedoms--deeply affects how we understand the very fabric of our democracy. This extraordinary collection of essays by some of America’s top historians focuses on how African Americans resisted slavery and how they responded when finally free. Ira Berlin sets the stage by stressing the relationship between how we understand slavery and how we discuss race today. The remaining essays offer a richly textured examination of all aspects of slavery in America. John Hope Franklin and Loren Schweinger recount actual cases of runaway slaves, their motivations for escape and the strains this widespread phenomenon put on white slave-owners. Scott Hancock explores how free black Northerners created a proud African American identity out of the oral history of slavery in the south. Edward L. Ayers, William G. Thomas III, and Anne Sarah Rubin draw upon their remarkable Valley of the Shadow website to describe the wartime experiences of African Americans living on both borders of the Mason-Dixon line. Noah Andre Trudeau turns our attention to the war itself, examining the military experience of the only all-black division in the Army of the Potomac. And Eric Foner gives us a new look at how black leaders performed during the Reconstruction, revealing that they were far more successful than is commonly acknowledged--indeed, they represented, for a time, the fulfillment of the American ideal that all people could aspire to political office. Wide-ranging, authoritative, and filled with invaluable historical insight, Slavery, Resistance, Freedom brings a host of powerful voices to America’s evolving conversation about race.
eBook
Free for All Lesbians: Lesbian Cultural Production and Consumption in the United States during the 1970s
Lesbianism was not simply a sexual orientation, then, but a sexual preference and a chosen feminist philosophy.3 In this vein, theorists conceived of what they called a Lesbian Nation, a separatist women's economy, institutions, cooperatives, values, and culture, a prospect that resonated with a larger intellectual and cultural climate of separatist or utopian endeavors during this period, including barter systems, back-to-the-land movements, and communes.4 For some lesbians this was a literal project; rural lesbian feminist communities, for example, sprang up in states such as Oregon during the 1970s and 1980s.5 However, as Arlene Stein points out, Lesbian Nation was often just as much a symbolic ideal.6 Lesbian political commitments, values, and longings could be expressed quite uniquely through production and consumption, which provided a sense of lesbian space, culture, and politics alike. \"12 While gay and lesbian activists alike of this period may have denounced American consumer society, consumer culture was in fact a vital part of the development of gay and lesbian identities in the postwar period and can be seen in the proliferation of bars, restaurants, clubs, bookstores, and the like.13 In the 1970s lesbians too developed their own bookstores, produced their own goods, and formed community resources such as health clinics and child-care centers.14 Consumer culture always reveals qualities about selfhood and identity, but for gays and lesbians these cues were all the more striking, as they were fragments of an often hidden identity.\"86 Joe Ellis has argued that the separation of the artist sphere and the market was part of a larger process of fragmentation that emerged by the mid-nineteenth century, a differentiation that saw its expression in the increasingly separate relationships between certain social institutions and the larger society and between individual groups, like children and adults or men and women.
Journal Article
From \Porous\ to \Ruthless\ Conscription, 1776–1917
There were three major causes that caused the US to abandon its long tradition of a volunteer military, with some conscription by local and state governments, and to impose a harsh, federally run draft for almost forty years of the twentieth century: 1. the existence of a much stronger central government, 2. a change in the political philosophy held by the elite, and 3. the Civil War draft. In this article, the author documents how each of these causes helped to bring about a harsh, ruthless draft in 1917, during the first year of US participation in World War I. During World War I, however, the US government never gave volunteerism or the state militias a chance, even though army officers estimated that 1.5 million men could easily have been recruited in 1917 alone. Shortly after the US entered the war, the government initiated a massive draft for which 24 million men registered.
Journal Article
For Where Two or Three (Thousand) Are Gathered in My Name! A Cultural History and Ethical Analysis of African American Megachurches
African American megachurches are part of a larger trend in American Protestantism reflecting the ecclesial shifts that have taken place in America during the final quarter of the previous century. There are, however, historical and religious distinctions that differentiate African American congregations from this broader, largely evangelical phenomenon. The purpose of this article, then, is to introduce and analyze African American megachurches in such a way that they are historically situated, racially located, and ecclesiastically differentiated. This article addresses the precipitous rise of black megachurch congregations in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries and ethically examines shared institutional and ideational values. And it argues that the professional identity, mass culture compatibility, and theological creativity that broadly define black megachurches represent creative fusions and internal tensions that pose ethical challenges to their congregational missions.
Journal Article
THE INFLUENCE OF THE GREEK DIASPORA ON GREECE AND THE UNITED STATES
From the late nineteenth century to the late twentieth century, Greeks in large numbers left Greece to come to the United States. The numerous obstacles placed before them did not deter many of them from achieving success. Their success in the United States and their desire to remain connected to Greece much contributed to involvement in Greek affairs. Successive Greek governments also attempted to maintain a relationship with diaspora Greeks in the United States, a problematic relationship which persists even today despite the declining numbers of Greek-Americans.
Journal Article