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\"This title explores the story of one child who faces dilemmas about different social situations, the choices he or she makes and the consequences of those choices\"--Provided by publisher.

RÉSUMÉ Cette étude examine la façon par laquelle les informations nationales télévisées ont exposé les cadres d'analyse du gouvernement et des partenaires de la coalition durant la crise politique de 2008. La démarche entreprise utilise une méthodologie d'analyse-cadre, où la proportion de la couverture médiatisée accordée au gouvernement est comparée à celle donnée à la coalition. De plus, cette étude compare les cadres préférés des élites politiques avec les discussions télévisées de stratégies. Nous trouvons que malgré que l'analyse-cadre du gouvernement a reçu, marginalement, plus d'attention que celle de la coalition, l'emphase principale de la télévision nationale était sur l'évaluation des aspects stratégiques de la crise. L'évaluation par tous les acteurs politiques était fort négative. The critical communications literature, however, provides evidence of one-sided analysis when it comes to \"moral panics\" (e.g., [Cohen, Stanley], 1980; Hall et al., 1978). In these cases, something or someone is identified as a threat to society. As Cohen (1980) states, \"A condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylized and stereotypical fashion by the mass media\" (p. 9). Cohen and others refer to these instances as \"moral panic,\" and those who are the subject of the moral panic are portrayed as \"folk devils,\" the \"visible reminders of what we should not be\" (p. 10). The crisis literature is dominated by the term \"moral panic,\" which is typically associated with crime and deviance. (For a review of the literature, see Hunt, 1997; for specific cases, see Edwards & Soetenhorst-de Savornin, 1994; Homan, 2003; Klug, 2005.) The primary definers for these cases are state officials in the form of law enforcement and/or politicians. The term has been applied to many issues, including \"AIDS, child abuse, crowd violence at football matches, drug addiction, juvenile crime and surrogate moth- * ers\" (Hunt, 1997, p. 638). As compelling as this literature appears, it is somewhat removed from the present discussion as the potential viewpoints had two groups of elites vying for the role of primary interpreter: the government and the coalition partners. It is somewhat of a stretch to apply the \"folk devil\" label to elites; however, Kate Jones (2008) did attempt such a stretch with some success in her study of Australian career politicians. It is beyond the scope of this article to compare directly public opinion with television coverage. However, media-sponsored public opinion polls indicating the public thought [Dion] should resign are consistent with television assessments of him. For example, an Ekos poll showed that 60% of Canadians thought Dion should resign. The same poll also found that of committed Liberal voters, 53% agreed that Dion should resign before the new year, with only 36% disagreeing with the statement The same could not be said of [Stephen Harper], as only 8% of Conservative voters polled thought the prime minister should resign (Graves & Adams, 2008b).7 Much of the criticism of Dion's performance had to do with the television addresses made by Harper and Dion on December 3. In this context, discussion of strategy was highly salient for television news in assessing the ability for the coalition to sell its idea. In the prominent \"At Issue\" panel on The National, Peter Mansbridge (2008) started his line of questioning with the following observation: \"Stéphane Dion didn't look like the prime minister under a Christmas tree. He kind of looked like he was on YouTube It was a very odd presentation, and I'm wondering how much of it took away from the case he was trying to make or whether he made that case.\" Robert Fife (2008) in his CTV News story reported that the coalition partners were also concerned about the performance, saying, \"Well, Mr. Dion's coalition partners are also livid, the NDP saying this fiasco tonight undermined the credibility of the coalition. How can they show that they can govern the country if they can't deliver a tape on time, and a tape that looked like it was filmed with a cellphone?\" While this study did not examine Frenchlanguage media, polls at the time showed that while Quebeckers may have been more likely to support the coalition than the rest of Canada, they nonetheless also gave Dion poor marks. An Angus Reid poll found 60% of Quebeckers disagreed with the statement, \"I would be comfortable with Stéphane Dion becoming Canada's Prime Minister\" (Reid, 2008).

Examines the effect of parental attachment and supervision on fear of crime among adolescent males. The results indicate that boys who are most attached to their parents are less fearful of criminal victimization and feel safer in their environment. Additionally, those boys whose parents supervise them closely are more fearful of criminal victimization, but have lower levels of perceived risk. (Contains 44 references and 3 tables.) (GCP)