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In 2011, South Sudan became independent following a long war of liberation, that gradually became marked by looting, raids and massacres pitting ethnic communities against each other. In this remarkably comprehensive work, Edward Thomas provides a multi-layered examination of what is happening in the country today. Writing from the perspective of South Sudan's most mutinous hinterland, Jonglei state, the book explains how this area was at the heart of South Sudan's struggle. Drawing on hundreds of interviews and a broad range of sources, this book gives a sharply focused, fresh account of South Sudan's long, unfinished fight for liberation.

The Responsibility to Protect, the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), focused on three international responsibilities in the area of human security: the responsibility to prevent, the responsibility to react, and the responsibility to rebuild. The report acknowledged the difficulty of identifying countries likely to experience widespread civil violence and then predicting when this would occur. But the authors of this book submit that if ever a case of a “responsibly to prevent” was possible to anticipate, South Sudan was it.A Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) ended the Sudanese second civil war in 2005 with a call for a referendum to be held in South Sudan in 2011 to determine the region’s future, In the event, an overwhelming majority voted for independence for the region. The question that motivated this book is whether the CPA would set in motion a process resulting in yet another brutal conflict, and, if that conflict was widely predicted, what should be the response of the international community in terms of “responsibility to prevent”?Mass media coverage has been identified as an important factor in mobilizing the international community into action in crisis and potential crisis situations; however, the impact of media reporting on actual decision-making is unclear. Thirty-plus years of research has demonstrated consistent agenda-setting effects, while a more recent stream of research has confirmed significant framing effects, the latter most likely to occur in cases where advocacy framing is used. This book examines the way in which the press in Canada and the United States interpreted the potential for violence that accompanied South Sudan’s independence in 2011, and whether or not their governments had a responsibility to prevent.

A lively and comprehensive guide to the fraught shared destinies of Sudan and South Sudan in the years after separation.

* From acclaimed best-selling author of Kill Anything That Moves * With troops withdrawing from Iraq and Afghanistan the US shifts its attention to the resource rich continent of Africa. Those who wish to understand the next major military operation of the US will learn much from this book. * It's Philip Gourevitch's We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories From Rwanda meets Dave Eggers' What Is the What; a searing work of reportage about life and loss in wartime. Readers interested in South Sudan, Africa in general, and modern war will no doubt be engrossed by this book, but Next Time They'll Come to Count the Dead will appeal to anyone interested in human drama, powerful emotion, and crisp writing. * For six weeks in the Spring of 2015, award-winning journalist Nick Turse traveled on foot as well as by car, SUV, and helicopter around war-torn South Sudan talking to military officers and child soldiers, United Nations officials and humanitarian workers, civil servants, civil society activists, and internally displaced persons -- people whose lives had been blown apart by a ceaseless conflict there.

Based on fieldwork largely collected during the CPA interim period by Sudanese and European researchers, this volume sheds light on the dynamics of change and the relationship between microscale and macroscale processes which took place in Sudan between the 1980s and the independence of South Sudan in 2011. Contributors' various disciplinary approaches-socio-anthropological, geographical, political, historical, linguistic-focus on the general issue of \"access to resources.\" The book analyzes major transformations which affected Sudan in the framework of globalization, including land and urban issues; water management; \"new\" actors and \"new conflicts\"; and language, identity, and ideology.

The overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003 in Iraq opened the door for Kurdish nationalists to move toward outright independence. Despite the recent visibility of the Kurds in the international media, little is known about their political aspirations as citizens of an autonomous region. In Secession and Conflict Zheger Hassan employs a comparative analysis to explore why Iraqi Kurdistan, despite being better positioned institutionally and economically than the similar cases of South Sudan and Kosovo, has not declared independence. In rebuilding Iraq and fighting against the Islamic State, the Kurds have cultivated important political alliances with the US and Europe, which have garnered them international economic, military, and political support. Though now well-positioned to function as an independent state, Iraqi Kurdistan has vacillated in seizing this golden opportunity to declare independence. The apparent Kurdish willingness to forgo independence runs counter to the prevailing narratives about the Kurds in the Middle East. Hassan draws not only on the history of the Kurds but also on first-hand interviews with high-ranking officials, journalists, and nationalists to provide a new window into the calculations of Kurdish leaders as they navigate the complicated politics of Iraq. Secession and Conflict offers a new model for understanding the Kurdish question in Iraq.

Ã?\"As an old Sudanese proverb so rightly says, a difficult path necessitates a competent guide, and there could be no better guide through the complexities of the forthcoming referendum on SudanÃ?'s future than Francis Deng. With customary skill and candor, he outlines the road ahead without failing to warn of dangerous turns and treacherous shortcuts. His book is a timely comment on a situation of grave concern to Africa and the international community.Ã?\"Ã?--Kofi Annan, former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Nobel Peace LaureateÃ?\"I first met Francis Deng when he presented a concept paper for a meeting of all the Sudanese parties organized by the Carter Center and which I chaired. I was deeply impressed by Francis DengÃ?'s intellectual and diplomatic ability to bridge the wide gulf dividing the parties in SudanÃ?'s conflict. This book reflects that quality, which is tragically very rare in countries torn apart by conflict. I hope it will be widely read and taken seriously, especially by his fellow Sudanese.Ã?\"Ã?--Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace LaureateÃ?\"Sudan is at a critical juncture, as the 2011 referendum in the South will determine whether the country will remain united or be partitioned. But as Francis Deng argues in this insightful and thoughtful book, unity and partition are but varying degrees of ongoing relationships which can be strengthened or weakened according to the will of the people and their leaders. Mutual interests that will endure dictate that the Sudanese parties work on developing sustainable and mutually beneficial cooperation beyond the referendum and whatever its outcome. Brief as the book is, it is an eloquent expression of Francis DengÃ?'s dedication of long standing to the cause of peace and unity for his country and people. His penetrating views will undoubtedly contribute to the debate on these issues of vital importance to the destiny of Sudan and Africa. They should indeed be taken seriously.Ã?\"Ã?--President Thabo Mbeki, Chairman of the African Union High Level Implementation Panel on Sudan

Outbreaks of Rift Valley fever (RVF) occurred in Namibia in 2010 and 2011. Complete genome characterization was obtained from virus isolates collected during disease outbreaks in southern Namibia in 2010 and from wildlife in Etosha National Park in 2011, close to the area where RVF outbreaks occurred in domestic livestock. The virus strains were sequenced using Sanger sequencing (Namibia_2010) or next generation sequencing (Namibia_2011). A sequence-independent, single-primer amplification (SISPA) protocol was used in combination with the Illumina Next 500 sequencer. Phylogenetic analysis of the sequences of the small (S), medium (M), and large (L) genome segments of RVF virus (RVFV) provided evidence that two distinct RVFV strains circulated in the country. The strain collected in Namibia in 2010 is genetically similar to RVFV strains circulating in South Africa in 2009 and 2010, confirming that the outbreaks reported in the southern part of Namibia in 2010 were caused by possible dissemination of the infection from South Africa. Isolates collected in 2011 were close to RVFV isolates from 2010 collected in humans in Sudan and which belong to the large lineage containing RVFV strains that caused an outbreak in 2006–2008 in eastern Africa. This investigation showed that the RVFV strains circulating in Namibia in 2010 and 2011 were from two different introductions and that RVFV has the ability to move across regions. This supports the need for risk-based surveillance and monitoring.

Failed or fragile states are those that are unable or unwilling to provide a socio-political framework for citizens and meet their basic needs. They are a source of terrorism and international crime, as well as incubators of infectious disease, environmental degradation, and unregulated mass migration. Canada's engagement with countries such as the Congo, East Timor, Bosnia, and Afghanistan underlines the commitment of successive Canadian governments to addressing the threats posed to Western security by state fragility. From Kinshasa to Kandahar: Canada and Fragile States in Historical Perspective brings together leading Canadian historians and political scientists to explore Canada's historic relationship with fragile states. The collection spans the period from the 1960s to the present and covers a geographical range that stretches from the Middle East to Latin America to Southeast Asia. Authors embrace a variety of approaches and methodologies, including traditional archival historical research, postmodern textual analysis, oral history, and administrative studies to chronicle and explain Canada's engagement with fragile and failed states. This collection reflects the growing public interest in the issue of failed states, which are of increasing concern to Canadian policymakers and are making headlines on the world stage. It helps explain the historic forces that have shaped Canadian policy towards failed and fragile states, and provides a platform for a national discussion about Canada's future role addressing state fragility.

In recent years, China and India have become the most important economic partners of Africa and their footprints are growing by leaps and bounds, transforming Africa's international relations in a dramatic way. Although the overall impact of China and India's engagement in Africa has been positive in the short-term, partly as a result of higher returns from commodity exports fuelled by excessive demands from both countries, little research exists on the actual impact of China and India's growing involvement on Africa's economic transformation. This book examines in detail the opportunities and challenges posed by the increasing presence of China and India in Africa, and proposes critical interventions that African governments must undertake in order to negotiate with China and India from a stronger and more informed platform.