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El presente artículo propone un acercamiento a la obra del sevillano Nazario Luque, en concreto al cómic Purita (1975-77), desde la Teoría del afecto. Primeramente, se contextualizará la obra en el marco de la Transición española, analizando el desarrollo de la cultura underground, el feminismo y su influjo en la creación de una determinada \"comunidad emocional\". A continuación, se procederá al estudio del personaje de Purita como icono de una sociedad en ciernes; en este sentido, el valor de la obra de Nazario se refuerza, puesto que su creación ejemplifica el nacimiento y desarrollo de una nueva \"estructura del sentir\". Así, se ahondará en una serie de aspectos —familia, sociedad y sexualidad— con el fin de desentrañar las propuestas y denuncias expuestas por el autor en el sensible período de la España predemocrática.

In this article, we will carry out a socio-critical reading of the Javier Calvo's novel El jardín colgante. This novel is set during the Spanish Transition to democracy, and, partially based on the conventions of the spy novel as a subgenre, it builds a negative image of it. The novel presents the Spanish Transition as a conspiracy of elites based on violence and in a pact of oblivion. Through the aforementioned socio-critical analysis, we will show how certain symbolic antagonistic elements are inscribed in the semioticdiscursive device of the work, and also how they reveal a more problematic, ambiguous and contradictory view of the Spanish Transition than it might appear from a first reading, and also how they unconsciously expose the main conceptual and ideological conflicts that this period of Spanish History still generates.

This article examines the relationship between 23-F and historical memory in Spain. On the one hand, the events of 23-F activate historical memory, recalling the discourse of the Dos Españas ['Two Spains'], the tradition of the alliance between the political and the military and, therefore, images of a division of the national community. On the other hand, historical memory refers to the events of 23-F, taking it as an important point of reference for retrospective political, social and cultural practices and reflections. These uses of 23-F have two dimensions: first, the coup was a media event that created iconic signs of great persistence; second, 23-F assumes the function of a lieu de mémoire. As a symbolic point of reference that indicates both the 'triumph of democracy' and the cleavages that run through the country's historical memory, 23-F can be considered a paradigmatic 'site of memory' of post-Francoist Spain.

Bilingual Legacies examines fatherhood in the work of four canonical Spanish authors born in Barcelona and raised during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. Drawing on the autobiographical texts of Juan Goytisolo, Carlos Barral, Terenci Moix, and Clara Janes, the book explores how these authors understood gender roles and paternal figures as well as how they positioned themselves in relation to Spanish and Catalan literary traditions.Anna Casas Aguilar contends that through their presentation of father figures, these authors subvert static ideas surrounding fatherhood. She argues that this diversity was crucial in opening the door to revised gender models in Spain during the democratic period. Moving beyond the shadow of the dictator, Casas Aguilar shows how these writers distinguished between the patriarchal \"father of the nation\" and their own paternal figures. In doing so, Bilingual Legacies sheds light on the complexity of Spanish conceptions of gender, language, and family and illustrates how notions of masculinity, authorship, and canon are interrelated.

El presente artículo trata de exponer cómo, dentro de la emergencia de las culturas juveniles que comienzan a desarrollarse durante la etapa de Transición democrática, aparecen grupos musicales liderados por mujeres amparados en la efervescencia de lo que se ha dado en llamar movimiento punk. Dicho estilo posee una estética inspirada en la vanguardia artística de principios del siglo xx, a la vez que supone un proceso de mímesis de determinados iconos de “estrellas malditas”. En este estudio se pretende observar cómo se legitiman este tipo de iconos y cómo la propia cultura visual y su difusión a través de determinados medios de comunicación favorece un cambio en la percepción visual, que pasa por la inclusión en la posmodernidad de determinados discursos marginales, que, en el caso de España, emergen dentro del propio ambiente de aperturismo sociocultural. Sin embargo, los elementos iconográficos utilizados por las subculturas urbanas que las mujeres punk adoptan en España no sólo cobran fuerza por su impacto visual sino también por la actitud que vehiculan. El papel que ocupa la mujer dentro de este tipo de subversiones mediatizadas será decisivo en un país en el que todavía no se han legitimado las políticas de identidad y donde se está articulando un nuevo contexto social que sienta las bases de la actitud feminista. Desde este punto de vista, la posición de rebeldía que adopta el movimiento punk no solo supondrá una estrategia de posicionamiento disruptivo frente a las convenciones prevalentes hasta entonces en los sistemas de representación visual sino que también supondrá un cambio radical en la constitución del discurso feminista como base de integración en la sociedad contemporánea. This article discusses the development of music bands fronted by women during the Spanish democratic Transition —a period characterized by the emergence of youth cultures— and how these bands were to a large extent stimulated by the effervescence of what came to be known as the punk movement. The aesthetics of punk is inspired by the artistic avant-garde of the early twentieth century, and it can also be read as a process of mimetic representation of certain iconic “fallen stars”. This study aims to explore how this legitimation takes place and how the visual culture itself and its diffusion through certain means of communication fosters a change in the visual perception, with the incorporation into postmodernity of certain marginal discourses that emerge out of the very process of sociocultural liberalization that was taking place in Spain at the time. However, the iconographic elements used by the urban subcultures and adopted by female punks in Spain gain strength not only by their visual impact but also by the attitude that they convey. The role of women within this type of mediated subversion will be decisive in a country where identity policies have not yet been legitimized and where a new social context is being articulated, laying the foundations of the feminist attitude. From this point of view, the rebellious attitude adopted by the punk movement will not only imply a strategy of disruption in face of the then-prevailing conventions in the systems of visual representation, but it will also imply a radical change in the formation of feminist discourse as the basis of integration in contemporary society.

Abstract This article analyzes how the concept of desencanto (disenchantment) was framed within the political discourse of the Spanish democratic transition as a way of delegitimizing radical political actors and normalizing the realpolitik of elite consensus. Through an analysis of the ubiquitous mainstream press usage of the term between 1977 and 1982, I argue that the combination of emotional and temporal meanings assigned to the concept worked to reinforce the moderation exhibited by government positions. Desencanto represented the disappointment or sadness felt by those hoping for a revolutionary rupture with Franco's dictatorship, which was associated to nostalgia or pathological relationships of the past. With the “revolution,” or “utopia” of the past, critics made clear that the radical Left was nostalgic or unrealistic for political projects that did not belong in a modern democracy, exclusively understood from the single and present-oriented politics of moderation and the possible.

Since the mid-19th century and until the 1964 study programme, students at the Madrid School of Architecture had to undergo various entrance exams for university. Women architects in Francoist Spain represented a mere 5% of the profession, a gender gap only overcome many years after the democratic restoration. Yet most of them did not consider feminism as a matter major concern, since the lack of freedom in Spain held greater importance for women that gender issues, which were relegated to a secondary position in public discussions. Starting in 1985, with the development of the Autonomous Regions in Spain and its accession to the European Economic Community, the country underwent a propound transformation. Former generations of women architects would then play a relevant professional role. This paper aims to expose, through the chronological sequence of their graduation—initially in a testimonial and isolated manner and later forming small networks—how their professional careers developed. This chronological approach, as well as a study of their links from a series of conversations with several women architects that studied and/or set their practice during the years of the democratic transition allows us to conclude that they were not only pioneers but also role models and mentors to each other. Their status as a determined minority is reflected in the relationships they established, with friendships and student complicity that accompanied them throughout their lives, as confirmed by their professional collaborations, comments, and vivid memories of their belonging to a group or community.

Between 1976 and 1982, Spain lived an intense political and media context in the process of transition to democracy. During this period, video-politics broke out and it influenced the way politics were conducted and the leadership of politicians. Throughout those years, two presidents led the process of change: Adolfo Suárez and Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo. Two different leaders: in their way of “doing politics” and in the way in which they used television to connect with society. This paper offers an analysis of, firstly, how both politicians understood their relationship with public television (TVE) and, secondly, what formats they used and the discourse of the television broadcasts that they starred in. To answer these questions, we conducted a thorough review of the existing literature on the topic, the published testimonies of protagonists, the Calvo-Sotelo archive, a content analysis of Televisión Española’s archives and the press published during Transition. The findings of this study clearly indicate that TVE marked the evolution of both presidents who, from the beginning, put in place different strategies to match their work from the Executive using public television. On the other hand, the shadow of Suarez and the way in which he had used television during the Transition, did not abandon Calvo-Sotelo whose decisions of media leadership were always aimed at countering the weight of the Suárez’s legacy.

This article addresses the protest culture of the Spanish anti-NATO movement during the first half of the 1980s. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, it focuses on the collective practice of painting murals and graffiti (pintadas) on walls in the outskirts of Spanish cities. This was done by neighbourhood associations, together with local artists, in order to display and disseminate the widespread angst regarding entering and remaining in NATO. Murals constituted a grassroots multi-layered phenomenon that emerged through the interaction of different communicative actors, social processes and semiotic forms. The article explores three themes. Firstly, the political iconography of anti-NATO murals in Spain whilst comparing it with the aesthetics of other European peace movements. Secondly, the domestic reframing of anti-war and antinuclear icons as well as anti-American clichés, violence and the army, gender relations, Spanish national sovereignty and, more generally, the process of modernisation and westernisation that was rapidly affecting post-Francoist society. Finally, the analysis of these visual expressions offers a bottom-up picture of the final stage of the Cold War and a better understanding of the role of Spanish civil society during the period of democratic consolidation.

Resumen: En este trabajo se exponen, con elevado nivel de detalle, los elementos que influyeron en la redacción del Real Decreto Ley de 18 de marzo de 1977, que reguló las primeras elecciones democráticas en España, y que influyó posteriormente en la actual regulación electoral todavía vigente. Abstract In this work are exposed, with high level of detail, the elements that influenced the drafting of the Royal Decree of March 18, 1977, which regulated the first democratic elections in Spain, and which later influenced the current electoral regulation still in force.