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19,954 result(s) for "State formation"
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Policy, geophilosophy and education
Education policy is premised on its instrumentalist approach. This instrumentalism is based on narrow assumptions concerning people (the subject), decision-making (power), problem-solving (science and methodology), and knowledge (epistemology). Policy, Geophilosophy and Education reconceptualises the object, and hence, the objectives, of education policy. Specifically, the book illustrates how education policy positions and constitutes objects and subjects through emergent policy arrangements that simultaneously influence how policy is sensed, embodied, and enacted. The book examines the disciplinary and multi-disciplinary approaches to education policy analysis over the last sixty years, and reveals how policy analysis constitutes the ontologies and epistemologies of policy. In order to reconceptualise policy, Policy, Geophilosophy and Education uses ideas of spatiality, affect and problematization from the disciplines of geography and philosophy. The book problematizes case-vignettes to illustrate the complex and often paradoxical relations between neo-liberal education policy equity, and educational inequalities produced in the representational registers of race and ethnicity.
Debating ‘uneven and combined development’: beyond Ottoman patrimonialism
Within the field of International Historical Sociology, much has been done to theorise the ‘international’ in historical–sociological terms. In particular, the theory of uneven and combined development (UCD) has taken significant steps in moving beyond the flattened space of ‘anarchy’, carving out an historical–sociological home for International Relations (IR). Yet, in this article I argue that UCD’s claim to establish a ‘social ontology of the international’ has been weakened by a tendency to underspecify the role of social agency in the constitution of social and international orders. This, in turn, undermines our ability to fully capture the ‘how’ and ‘why’ of the international, i.e. how and why social and international dynamics transform over time and space. To get out of this conundrum, I suggest, the theory of UCD needs to focus more systematically on historically specific socio-spatial struggles and the concomitant processes of inter-societal learning and ‘substitution’. I operationalise these insights in the context of pre-modern Ottoman state-formation (1300‒1600). Such a historical reconstruction demonstrates that UCD, if reinforced by a stronger conception of social agency, not only leads to a more fertile ground for the development of international historical–sociological imagination, but also helps to problematise and move beyond the conventional theorisation of the ‘classical’ Ottoman Empire as a ‘patrimonial’ state.
Teachers' schools and the making of the modern Chinese nation-state, 1897-1937
\"Teachers' Schools and the Making of the Modern Chinese Nation-State is an account of educational and social transformations in politically tumultuous early twentieth-century China. It focuses on the unique nature of Chinese teachers' schools, which bridged Chinese and Western ideals, and the critical role that these schools played in the changes sweeping Chinese society. It also documents their role in the empowerment of women and the production of grassroots forces leading to the Communist Revolution.\"--Jacket.
Palimpsests of the Past: Oral History and the Art of Pointillism
The use of oral histories is embedded in the interplay of archival limitations and shifting historiographical questions. This essay begins with a preliminary historiography of oral history usage in Asia, exploring its contrasting usages among scholars of China, Japan, India, and Thailand. However, more than filling in archival gaps, oral histories can challenge broader historiographies. Arrested multiple times, Kruba Srivichai (1878–1939) is northern Thailand's most famous monk. Illustrating a pointillist approach that draws upon hundreds of oral histories and dividing the palimpsest of Srivichai's controversial life into four time periods, this essay shows how oral histories challenge four corresponding paradigms and thereby force a reengagement with the overall narrative of Thai nation-state formation. This essay argues for the importance of oral history, not merely in “filling in gaps” in archival sources, but in challenging hegemonic historiographical paradigms.
Recent Advances in Moche Archaeology
The discovery of the royal tombs at Sipán in 1987 propelled Moche archaeology to the forefront of Andean studies. In the last decade, the study of Moche political organization and ideology through public architecture, cultural remains, funerary patterns, and iconography has forced the revision of previous conceptions about Moche state formation, urbanism, and the functioning of this complex society. Major advances in iconography, internal organization of urban centers, temples and domestic architecture, craft production, and mortuary patterns are embedded in a new chronology that supports a longer development and a more gradual collapse. The recognition of Moche as the first state in South America is still valid, but its monolithic character is rejected in favor of several autonomous polities. The number and size of potential Moche states are currently debated, as is the role of warfare and ideology in Moche state formation.
Nation-State Formation at the Indonesia-Malaysia Border in West Kalimantan
This study is the result of observations and studies of some literature that discusses the relationship between the state and people on the border in the process of negotiating the Indonesian nation-state, from independence to the reform era. The nation is a political identity that is constructed along with the presence of the state as a political community that has sovereignty over a region with certain territorial boundaries. In the Indonesian context, the nation is a political identity that is built along with the presence of the state as a sovereign political community over an area with certain boundaries determined after independence. The geopolitical boundaries formed become problematic for border residents who are socio-culturally present and their presence exceeds the political territorial boundaries that were born later. The implication is that efforts to develop a nation-state at the border are confronted with a contestation between cross-country cultural (ethnic) identity and political (nation) identity constructed by the state.
El norte chiquito
Mexico’s so-called “War on Drugs” began as a war on poor people. This article locates the roots of Mexico’s current drug-related violence in a longer history of state terror and violence enacted against social movements and rural communities. The article traces this history by grounding it locally in the guerrerense municipality of Coyuca de Catalán. La mal llamada “guerra contra las drogas” en México empezó como una guerra contra los pobres. Este articulo ubica las raíces de la violencia en el México contemporáneo dentro una historia de terrorismo de estado y violencia durante los 1970s. Para desenredar estas raíces, el artículo ofrece una perspectiva histórica y local basada en el municipio guerrerense de Coyuca de Catalán.
La mafia muere
The article examines the rise in violence in the state of Sinaloa between the 1940s and the 1980s. It analyzes the shifting structure of the drug trade and the changing roles of federal and state authorities, bringing both observations together. By looking at the changing nature of the drug trade and its relationship to state authorities from the 1930s through to the 1970s, the article attempts to understand why Sinaloa experienced such an upsurge in violence during the period, and to engage with three broad conceptual debates: the role of violence and coercion in Mexican state-making, a more particular debate about the (subnational) historiography of the 1960s, and 1970s; and, finally about the relationships between violence and (organized) crime. In doing so, it contributes to a significant paradigm shift from approaches that prioritized non-violent forms of state-making and political mediation, and with a strong focus on national institutions, towards one that systematically examines the role of coercion, violence, repression and criminal networks in the workings of Mexican state power and state-making. El artículo examina el aumento de la violencia en el estado de Sinaloa entre 1940 y 1980. Analiza la estructura cambiante del tráfico de drogas y los roles fluctuantes de las autoridades federales y estatales. Al observar la naturaleza cambiante del tráfico de drogas y su relación con las autoridades estatales desde la década de 1930 hasta la de 1970, el artículo intenta comprender por qué Sinaloa experimentó un aumento de la violencia durante el período y aborda tres debates conceptuales generales: El papel de la violencia y la coacción en la construcción del Estado mexicano, un debate más particular sobre la historiografía (subnacional) de las décadas de 1960 y 1970, y, finalmente, sobre las relaciones entre violencia y crimen (organizado). Al hacerlo, contribuye a un cambio de paradigma significativo desde enfoques que priorizaban formas no violentas de creación de estado y mediación política, con un fuerte enfoque en las instituciones nacionales, hacia uno que examina sistemáticamente el papel de la coerción, la violencia, represión y redes criminales en el funcionamiento del poder estatal mexicano y la creación de estado.
Regional configurations of violence in Mexico
How can we account for levels of violence, numbers of internally displaced people and territorial fragmentation in Mexico that are higher than most civil wars? In contrast with the literature, which isolates violence and crime from other social processes, we build on a comparison with civil wars to account for the specificities of the regional configurations of violence in Mexico. We argue that armed actors, far from contesting the existing political institutions and system, conform to the social order to whose reproduction they thus contrib-ute. In this introductory article of the ERLACS special collection Violent configurations of power in Mexico we look into the modes of accumulation, social-control mechanisms, and forms of representation to consider together lawful and unlawful activities, private and public actors, and legal and violent instruments. Thus, we build on the contributions of this special issue to analyze how the violent actors fit into regional political configurations. ¿Cómo podemos dar cuenta de los niveles de violencia, el número de desplazados internos y la fragmentación territorial en México que son más altos que la mayoría de las guerras civiles? En contraste con la literatura, que aísla la violencia y el crimen de otros procesos sociales, construimos una comparación con las guerras civiles para dar cuenta de las especificidades de las configuraciones regionales de violencia en México. Sostenemos que los actores armados, lejos de oponerse al sistema y las instituciones políticas existentes, se ajustan al orden social a cuya reproducción contribuyen. En este artículo introductorio del número especial de ERLACS Configuraciones violentas de poder en México analizamos los modos de acumulación, los mecanismos de control social y las formas de representación para considerar en conjunto actividades lícitas e ilícitas, actores públicos y privados e instrumentos legales y violentos. Así, nos basamos en los aportes de este número especial para analizar cómo los actores violentos encajan en las configuraciones políticas regionales.
Agrarian Change, Industrialization and Geopolitics
This article takes issue with the common view that the early Turkish Republic (1920-1940) followed a “special” route to modernity characterized by “state capitalism.” It argues that such a view, rooted in the Sonderweg paradigm, obscures the historical-comparative specificity of Turkish state formation, leading to problematic conclusions about the character of Turkish modernization. Based on insights derived from Karl Polanyi’s notion of “economistic fallacy” and Political Marxism’s conception of capitalism, I offer a new interpretation of the early Republican project in Turkey, which, in turn, provides a deeper understanding of the social content, tempo and multi-linearity of world historical development. Cet article discute de façon critique la vision commune selon laquelle la jeune République Turque (1920-1940) aurait suivi une voie « spéciale » vers la modernité caractérisée par le « Capitalisme d’État ». Il entend montrer que cette thèse, associée au paradigme dit « Sonderweg », obscurcit davantage qu’elle n’éclaire ce qui fait la spécificité historique et comparée de la formation de l’État en Turquie, conduisant à des conclusions fragiles à propos du processus de modernisation. En s’appuyant sur l’approche des relations sociales de propriété mais également la notion d’economistic fallacy développée par Karl Polanyi, l’article propose une nouvelle interprétation du projet républicain pour la Turquie, et entend contribuer à une meilleure compréhension du contenu, du tempo et de la multi-linéarité du développement historique mondial. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert kritisch die allgemein verbreitete Vorstellung, dass die junge türkische Republik (1920-1940) mit dem Staatskapitalismus einen besonderen Weg in die Modernität gewählt hätte. Er versucht des Weiteren zu zeigen, dass diese These, in Verbindung mit dem Paradigma des sogenannten « Sonderwegs », die historisch-komparative Besonderheit der türkischen Staatsbildung eigentlich mehr okkultiert, da sie zu voreiligen Rückschlüssen bezüglich des türkischen Modernisierungsprozesses führt. Aufbauend auf dem Ansatz der sozialen Besitzverhältnisse sowie des von Karl Polyani entwickelten Begriffes des « wirtschaftlichen Trugschlusses » schlägt der Aufsatz eine neue Interpretation des republikanischen Projekts der Türkei vor und möchte zu einem besseren Verständnis des Inhalts, der Geschwindigkeit und der Multilinearität der weltgeschichtlichen Entwicklung beitragen.