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This study explores the role played by the welfare state in affecting women's labor force participation & occupational achievement. Using data from 22 industrialized countries, the authors examine the consequences of state interventions for both women's employment patterns & gender inequality in occupational attainment. The findings reveal a twofold effect: developed welfare states facilitate women's access into the labor force but not into powerful & desirable positions. Specifically, nations characterized by progressive & developed welfare policies & by a large public service sector tend to have high levels of female labor force participation, along with a high concentration of women in female-typed occupations & low female representation in managerial occupations. The findings provide insights into the social mechanisms underlying the relations between welfare states' benefits to working mothers & women's participation & achievements in the labor market. Tables, Figures, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

With the surge in the number of data and datafied governance initiatives, arrangements, and practices across the globe, understanding various types of such initiatives, arrangements, and their structural causes has become a daunting task for scholars, policy makers, and the public. This complexity additionally generates substantial difficulties in considering different data(fied) governances commensurable with each other. To advance the discussion, this study argues that existing scholarship is inclined to embrace an organization-centric perspective that primarily concerns factors and dynamics regarding data and datafication at the organizational level at the expense of macro-level social, political, and cultural factors of both data and governance. To explicate the macro, societal dimension of data governance, this study then suggests the term “social data governance” to bring forth the consideration that data governance not only reflects the society from which it emerges but also (re)produces the policies and practices of the society in question. Drawing on theories of political science and public management, a model of social data governance is proposed to elucidate the ideological and conceptual groundings of various modes of governance from a comparative perspective. This preliminary model, consisting of a two-dimensional continuum, state intervention and societal autonomy for the one, and national cultures for the other, accounts for variations in social data governance across societies as a complementary way of conceptualizing and categorizing data governance beyond the European standpoint. Finally, we conduct an extreme case study of governing digital contact-tracing techniques during the pandemic to exemplify the explanatory power of the proposed model of social data governance.

The Harm Threshold (HT) holds that the state may interfere in medical decisions parents make on their children’s behalf only when those decisions are likely to cause serious harm to the child. Such a high bar for intervention seems incompatible with both parental obligations and the state’s role in protecting children’s well-being. In this paper, I assess the theoretical underpinnings for the HT, focusing on John Stuart Mill’s Harm Principle as its most plausible conceptual foundation. I offer (i) a novel, text-based argument showing that Mill’s Harm Principle does not give justificatory force to the HT; and (ii) a positive account of some considerations which, beyond significant harm, would comprise an intervention principle normatively grounded in Mill’s ethical theory. I find that substantive recommendations derived from Mill’s socio-political texts are less laissez-faire than they have been interpreted by HT proponents. Justification for state intervention owes not to the severity of a harm, but to whether that harm arises from the failure to satisfy one’s duty. Thus, a pediatric intervention principle derived from Mill ought not to be oriented around the degree of harm caused by a parent’s healthcare decision, but rather, the kind of harm—specifically, whether the harm arises from violation of parental obligation. These findings challenge the interpretation of Mill adopted by HT proponents, eliminating a critical source of justification for a protected domain of parental liberty and reorienting the debate to focus on parental duties.

In the paper, the transformation processes of secondary teacher training in Hungary are examined through the investigation of personal and conceptual changes related to two professional institutions, namely the Secondary Teacher Training Institution and the Secondary Teacher Examination Committee in Hungary in the early 1920s.  By employing the method of document analysis of archival sources, substantial amount of primary sources were involved in the research from various archives. Additionally, the secondary literature review is also used as a research method in contextualizing the findings of the analysis. As for the interpretation, notions related to the critical approach of professionalization theories are applied in the paper. The study gives a brief overview of the development of professional institutions from the mid of the nineteenth century to 1919 in order to provide an insight into some of the main barriers of their development, which expected to be solved by the new regime in Hungary solidified after 1920. The appointment of new leadership in the teacher training institution, the influence on its curriculum, the forced interrogation of the political views of teacher candidates delegated to the teacher examination committee before the state examination and the determination of the reform of the teacher examination regulations all suggest that the state intention of reshaping the teacher training according to circumstances of the new political-social reality after the war resulted in a new relationship between the state and the professional institutions that could lead to deprofessionalization on the long term. This development could be regarded as an unprecedent phenomenon compared to the situation of professionals in other countries in the Central and Eastern European region.

In the modern world, disputes before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) which are normally of a bilateral nature, increasingly also affect the interests of third states. Third states may in many instances wish to intervene in such disputes. Articles 62 and 63 of the Statute of the ICJ has attempted to accommodate such an eventuality. Article 62 provides for intervention by a third state if it has an interest of a legal nature which may be affected by the ICJ’s decision in the case. Article 63 allows for member states of a multilateral treaty to intervene in cases involving the interpretation of such a treaty. Intervention under Article 62 is in the discretion of the ICJ. Intervention under Article 63 is a right. Applications to intervene under Article 62 have only been successful in three instances and, applications to intervene under Article 63 have only been successful in two instances. It is submitted that the ICJ should be more flexible in allowing third-party interventions by interpreting Articles 62 and 63 less strictly. This is more in accordance with the greater interdependence of states in the modern world and can prevent the duplication of proceedings. Such flexibility can only enhance the effectiveness of the ICJ in achieving its mandate.

The study of ideology in authoritarian regimes—of how public preferences are configured and constrained—has received relatively little scholarly attention. Using data from a large-scale online survey, we study ideology in China. We find that public preferences are weakly constrained, and the configuration of preferences is multidimensional, but the latent traits of these dimensions are highly correlated. Those who prefer authoritarian rule are more likely to support nationalism, state intervention in the economy, and traditional social values; those who prefer democratic institutions and values are more likely to support market reforms but less likely to be nationalistic and less likely to support traditional social values. This latter set of preferences appears more in provinces with higher levels of development and among wealthier and better-educated respondents. These findings suggest that preferences are not simply split along a proregime or antiregime cleavage and indicate a possible link between China’s economic reform and ideology.

Despite the rising interest in environmental strategies, few studies have examined how managerial cognition of such strategies influences actual innovation capability development. Taking a managerial cognition perspective, this study investigates how managers' perceptions of institutional pressures relate to their focus on proactive environmental strategy, which in turn affects firms' realized innovation capability. The findings from a primary survey and three secondary datasets of publicly listed companies in China reveal that managers' perceived business and social pressures are positively associated with their focus on proactive environmental strategy, which consequently fosters innovation capability development. Moreover, state ownership and government administrative control weaken the impact of managerial focus on proactive environmental strategy on innovation capability. These findings have important implications for how managerial cognition supports environmental strategy and organizational capability building under the influence of institutional pressures and government intervention.

The potential failure of a large bank presents vexing questions for policymakers. It poses significant risks to other financial institutions, to the financial system as a whole, and possibly to the economic and social order. Because of such fears, policymakers in many countries--developed and less developed, democratic and autocratic--respond by protecting bank creditors from all or some of the losses they otherwise would face. Failing banks are labeled \"too big to fail\" (or TBTF). This important new book examines the issues surrounding TBTF, explaining why it is a problem and discussing ways of dealing with it more effectively. Gary Stern and Ron Feldman, officers with the Federal Reserve, warn that not enough has been done to reduce creditors' expectations of TBTF protection. Many of the existing pledges and policies meant to convince creditors that they will bear market losses when large banks fail are not credible, resulting in significant net costs to the economy. The authors recommend that policymakers enact a series of reforms to reduce expectations of bailouts when large banks fail.

We investigate the impact of COVID-19 on 42,401 UK SMEs and how government intervention affects their capability to survive the pandemic. The results show that, without governmental mitigation schemes, 59% of UK SMEs report negative earnings and that their residual life is reduced from 164 to 139 days. The analysis shows that government support scheme reduces the number of SMEs with negative earnings to 49% and allows extending the residual life for SMEs with negative earnings to 194 days. In addition, the support scheme reduces the number of jobs at risk in our sample by around 20%. However, our results suggest that weaker firms benefit more than strong ones. Besides, industries that are worst hit by COVID-19 are not those that benefit most from the government support scheme. We ascribe this result to the fact that the schemes do not discriminate between those firms that deserve support and those that do not deserve it.

This paper analyses the growth of Asian economies through its export-ledindustrialisation policies. Such growth has been uniquely achieved without greaterreliance to law, which the neoliberal approach considers integral to development.Among others, this approach relies on private laws for the protection of property andcontractual rights for the efficient and smooth functioning of the market where thestate has little or no intervention. In this regard, the paper discusses the role of law indevelopment and economic growth. It is submitted that the instrumental use of lawand active state intervention in the Asian examples considered in this paper raisessignificant doubts on the necessity of law for economic growth.