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Why are some schools home to Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, and Muslim student organizations but others are not? In this article, we draw on theories of student mobilization, especially recent theoretical insights on educational opportunity structures, to understand the factors associated with the presence and number of minority religious student organizations at U.S. colleges and universities. Analyzing an original database of minority religious student groups across 1,953 four-year, not-for-profit U.S. colleges and universities, we show that large, wealthy schools that are located in liberal, pluralistic contexts and that are not affiliated with Christian denominations exhibit greater odds of having at least one minority religious student organization. Similar factors are associated with the overall number of minority religious student organizations at a school. Our article represents the most comprehensive study to date of minority religious student organizations and sheds light on issues of unequal access to student organizations more generally.

The shift to more virtual learning during and since the COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted in-person doctoral education by limiting opportunities for face-to-face academic socialization, networking, and collaborative learning, prompting questions about how graduate students could sustain their scholarly development through online spaces. This study examines how graduate students who joined the Qualitative Research Club, a virtual interdisciplinary student organization, co-constructed a shared academic culture, or languaculture, through their interactions. Using an Interactional Ethnographic approach, we analyzed video and audio recordings, meeting artifacts, and discourse from club meetings to trace members' participation, identity development, co-construction of knowledge, and development of shared meaning over time. Our findings illustrate how club members engaged in connecting, expressing, collaborating, and leading as they negotiated shared practices, norms, and scholarly roles in a virtual setting. These findings suggest that virtual academic communities can serve as dynamic spaces for peer interaction, research engagement, and professional development, particularly in times of disruption. This study has implications for graduate students, faculty mentors, and academic institutions seeking to create and support inclusive and sustainable virtual learning environments that promote interdisciplinary collaboration, socialization, and professional growth.

Few college experiences elicit as much controversy as racial/ethnic student organizations. Critics argue that these student groups promote racial division and segregation, whereas supporters counter these claims and suggest instead that they facilitate college adjustment, learning, and growth. Clearly, some students are quite predisposed to participate (or not participate) in these organizations, which can lead to significant challenges when trying to determine the impact of this form of engagement. The present study used multilevel propensity score matching analyses to explore the relationships between racial/ethnic student organizations and post-college civic outcomes within a 10-year longitudinal sample of 8,634 alumni from 229 institutions. The results indicate that participation is significantly and positively associated with numerous civic behaviors and attitudes 6 years after graduation. Moreover, these findings are similar regardless of race/ethnicity, gender, or institution.

PurposeThis review addresses how student organizations are conceptually framed in the scholarly literature—organizations the authors referred to as “ethnicized student organizations” or “ESOs,” which include both Black Indigenous and People of Color (BIPOC) student organizations and ethnically white student organizations such as mainstream fraternities/sororities and clubs that are normalized as not having a racial/ethnic affiliation.Design/methodology/approachCritical race theory informs the analysis of 175 articles that address ESOs from 2002 to 2016.FindingsAnalysis revealed that a majority of scholarship conceptualizes ESOs in ways that can minimize the role of institutional whiteness where they are positioned as either serving or hindering both individual students and institutional goals. Findings also reveal a smaller body of literature that emphasized institutionalized power dynamics and honors the transformative work of BIPOC students through ESOs.Originality/valueDespite widespread public commitments to diversity among institutions, whiteness remains a core institutional presence. This study illustrates the relationships among student organizations, white supremacy and higher education transformation.

College Belonging reveals how colleges' and universities' efforts to foster a sense of belonging in their students are misguided. Colleges bombard new students with the message to \"get out there!\" and \"find your place\" by joining student organizations, sports teams, clubs and the like. Nunn shows that this reflects a flawed understanding of what belonging is and how it works. Drawing on the sociological theories of Emile Durkheim, College Belonging shows that belonging is something that members of a community offer to each other. It is something that must be given, like a gift. Individuals cannot simply walk up to a group or community and demand belonging. That's not how it works. The group must extend a sense of belonging to each and every member. It happens by making a person feel welcome, to feel that their presence matters to the group, that they would be missed if they were gone. This critical insight helps us understand why colleges' push for students simply to \"get out there!\" does not always work. 

Objective. To determine student pharmacists’ perceptions of a leadership development program for student organization officers and report the changes in their Emotional Intelligence Appraisal (EIA) scores. Methods. Between 2015-2018, three different cohorts of Doctor of Pharmacy students participated in a voluntary leadership development program that spanned six academic quarters. The program included a variety of self-assessments and large-group topic discussions, followed by quarterly individual written reflections with feedback from faculty mentors. These activities primarily addressed the topics of emotional intelligence, strengths-based leadership, and continuous leadership development. Participants’ EIA scores near the beginning and end of the program were compared. An anonymous online survey of participant perceptions was administered at the end of the program. Results. One hundred sixty-six student pharmacists completed all program activities. Each cohort’s final mean overall, self-awareness, self-management, and social awareness EIA scores were higher than their corresponding mean initial scores. The overall response rate for the online survey was 61%. All respondents either strongly agreed or agreed that participating in the program enhanced their leadership skills. The majority of respondents additionally rated each of the program’s activities as being either beneficial or very beneficial. The emotional intelligence assessment and strengths-based leadership assessment were the activities that were most frequently cited as being very beneficial. Conclusion. The pilot implementation of this leadership development program appears to have been both impactful and well received. Programs structured like this one may provide an effective way of increasing the emotional intelligence of student pharmacists, particularly within accelerated pharmacy programs.

In 1974, a group of college students attempted to undertake the simple act of registering an official student organization at Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU). In contrast to every other student group that had sought such status, the group, the Gay Alliance of Students (GAS), was denied registration. They were denied because the group was composed of LGBTQI+ students who wanted to promote the well-being and understanding of themselves and other LGBTQI+ individuals on campus. This article examines the founding, experience, and legal battles of GAS, an important organization in both the history of LGBTQI+ students and the history of LGBTQI+ rights more broadly. In response to its denial, GAS sued VCU in US federal district court, claiming violations of its fundamental rights under the US Constitution. After a split decision in its initial case, GAS appealed and won a resounding victory over VCU administrators and their attempts to deny LGBTQI+ students their rights. That victory was the first ever for an LGBTQI+ student organization at the federal appellate level and set a precedent for other LGBTQI+ students in five states. This article uses historical methods to situate these efforts in their institutional and local context, contribute to the nascent literature on LGBTQI+ student legal cases, and consider this key case that had implications beyond VCU and, indeed, beyond higher education.

Although prior studies have examined the influence of career and technical education (CTE) on high school completion in the United States, few studies provided direct empirical evidence on how it worked. Using the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:2009), this study examined public high school students’ CTE experience from three integral aspects (coursework, career and technical student organizations, and work-based learning) and investigated whether these experiences influenced high school on-time completion through school engagement. Results indicated that CTE coursework had the strongest positive influence on on-time completion. Mediating effects of selected school engagement variables existed for most CTE activities. Directions for future research are provided.

PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to explore and analyse the history of the predominantly Malaysian Network of Overseas Students Collectives in Australia (NOSCA), that existed from 1985–1994.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is based on extensive archival research in the State Library of New South Wales, the National Library of Australia and the University of New South Wales (UNSW) Archives. It makes particular use of the UNSW student newspaper Tharunka and the NOSCA publications Truganini and Default. It also draws upon nine oral history interviews with former members of NOSCA.FindingsThe NOSCA was particularly prominent at the UNSW, building a base there and engaging substantially in the student union. Informed by anarchism, its activists were interested in an array of issues–especially opposition to student fees and in solidarity with struggles for democracy and national liberation in Southeast Asia, especially around East Timor. Moreover, the group would serve as a training ground for a layer of activists, dissidents and opposition politicians throughout Southeast Asia, with a milieu of ex-NOSCA figures sometimes disparagingly referred to as “the NOSCA Mafia.”Originality/valueWhile there has been much research on overseas students, there has been far less on overseas students as protestors and activists. This paper is the first case study to specifically hone in on NOSCA, one of the most substantial and left wing overseas student groups. Tracing the group's history helps us to reframe and rethink the landscape of student activism in Australia, as less white, less middle class and less privileged.

This article explores the sources of Islamic knowledge among young Muslim activists in Bima, Eastern Indonesia, who are often stereotyped as a hotbed of radicalism, and their religious types to reveal their intellectual dynamics. This article argues that, in modern times, as Islamic tendencies and orientations have diversified, young Muslims in the Bima region engage with many different aspects of the production and use of religious knowledge under the umbrella of Indonesian Islam. Moreover, they actively build peer-group-based intellectualism, fostering patron–client connections in the form of discussion and literacy development through student organizations, and this is influential in shaping their religious identities and religious types. This qualitative research involved 47 young Muslim activists, who are also senior high school and university students, 20 of whom were interviewed in-depth, while 27 others participated in focus group discussions. This research reveals that their sources of learning vary. However, the most critical media in shaping and confirming their religious understanding are the training and discussions held by their respective peer groups and organizations. Their literacy and references are also further developed through these forums. Learning resources accessed via social media are considered essential but unreliable in this digital era. Therefore, in their intellectual development, young persons need teachers and families to act as learning resource providers that co-exist with the literacy obtained through organizations. Such sources and ways of learning form a type of religiosity that is “practical” (embodied in daily practice) for most. Meanwhile, the “ideological” type of religion (fundamental to the Islamization movement) is only found in right-wing activists of Islamic organizations and does not thrive among the young people of Bima, Eastern Indonesia.