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With an official population approaching fifteen million, Karachi is one of the largest cities in the world. It is also the most violent. Since the mid-1980s, it has endured endemic political conflict and criminal violence, which revolve around control of the city and its resources (votes, land and bhatta--'protection' money). These struggles for the city have become ethnicised. Karachi, often referred to as a 'Pakistan in miniature,' has become increasingly fragmented, socially as well as territorially. Despite this chronic state of urban political warfare, Karachi is the cornerstone of the economy of Pakistan. Gayer's book is an attempt to elucidate this conundrum. Against journalistic accounts describing Karachi as chaotic and ungovernable, he argues that there is indeed order of a kind in the city's permanent civil war. Far from being entropic, Karachi's polity is predicated upon organisational, interpretative and pragmatic routines that have made violence 'manageable' for its populations. Whether such 'ordered disorder' is viable in the long term remains to be seen, but for now Karachi works despite--and sometimes through--violence.

This full-scale study of Punjabi politics since Indian Independence in 1947 considers the major political problem confronting virtually every new nation: how to create a functioning political system in the face of divisive internal threats. Originally published in 1966. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Background Health professional (HP) students may have an important role in controlling future tobacco use of their patients, and public at large. It is important to understand their existing level of awareness and support for national anti-tobacco policies. We thus aim to explore Pakistani HP students’ existing attitudes towards national anti-tobacco policy and examine factors associated with lack of awareness, and support amongst them. Methods Secondary data analysis of the Global Health Professional Students Survey, Pakistan, 2011 was performed. Study population included 4,235 health professional students enrolled in third year of graduate level HP programs. The policy support metrics were developed using six questions from the survey. Univariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to analyze association between HP students’ awareness, and support for anti-tobacco policy (outcome variables), and various socio-demographic, attitudinal, and knowledge related factors. Descriptive statistics are reported as proportions, and results of logistic regression analysis were reported as odds ratios with 95% confidence interval. Results Overall, among HP students, 10.8% (n = 391) were current smokers, and 26.7% (n = 965) of them were cigarette experimenters. Almost half, (46.1%, n = 1666) of the HP students did not have an awareness of the official policy banning tobacco use in their school buildings and clinics; and only one in ten (9.4%, n = 338) of them did not support anti-tobacco policies. Students were less likely to be aware if they had second hand exposure at home/work (OR = 0.73, 95% CI (0.57-0.92), p-value <0.01). Furthermore, students who were current smokers (OR = 0.21, 95% CI (0.08-0.56), or cigarette experimenters (OR = 0.42, 95% CI (0.26-0.70), p-value <0.01), were least likely to support anti-tobacco policies. Conclusion We found that HP students lack awareness of anti-tobacco policies; and were less likely to support such efforts if they were current smokers. These findings may help in understanding existing perceptions of the future care givers in Pakistan. Future anti-tobacco efforts and HP training programs may target the smoking HPs to enhance their full support in this regard.

Evolutionary Medicine (EM) is a fundamental science exploring why our bodies are plagued with disease and hindered by limitations. EM views the body as an assortment of benefits, mistakes, and compromises molded over millennia. It highlights the role of evolution in numerous diseases encountered in community and family medicine clinics of developing countries. It enables us to ask informed questions and develop novel responses to global health problems. An understanding of the field is thus crucial for budding doctors, but its study is currently limited to a handful of medical schools in high-income countries. For the developing world, Pakistan's medical schools may be excellent starting posts as the country is beset with communicable non-communicable diseases that are shaped by evolution. Remarkably, Pakistani medical students are open to studying and incorporating EM into their training. Understanding the principles of EM could empower them to tackle growing health problems in the country. Additionally, some difficulties that western medical schools face in integrating EM into their curriculum may not be a hindrance in Pakistan. We propose solutions for the remaining challenges, including obstinate religious sentiments. Herein, we make the case that incorporating EM is particularly important in developing countries such as Pakistan and that it is achievable in its medical student body.

Studies of student politics in Pakistan often focus on the competition between ‘secular’ and ‘religious’ student groups—for example, the leftward-leaning National Students Federation, regional parties with a broadly secular orientation like the Pakhtun Students Federation, the Islami Jamiat-e-Tuleba (Islamic Students Association), and sectarian groups like the (Shi'a) Imamia Students Organization. This paper describes the emergence of an increasingly violent stalemate between and amongst these groups since the 1960s. It then argues that for a growing number of students this stalemate produced a certain disenchantment with exclusionary efforts to control the ‘state-based Muslim nationalism’ that lay behind the formation of Pakistan itself. Seeking alternatives, these disenchanted students developed an interest in non-state-based forms of Muslim solidarity—forms that rejected the constraints of territorial Muslim nationalism in favour of transnational movements focused on the revitalization of Muslim solidarity on a truly global scale—movements like the (Deobandi) Tablighi Jama'at and the (Barelwi) Da'wat-e-Islami. Tracing this development, this paper takes up one application of Talal Asad's argument that alternative expressions of religion (and religious solidarity) are ‘produced’ by specific political circumstances. It also examines this formulation in the light of other theories that take an interest in the effects—indeed the potentially ‘democratizing’ effects—of protracted political stalemates.

This article discusses the relationship between Maoist China and Pakistan, in particular concerning the Sino-Indian and Indo-Pakastini war. It starts with an outline of Maoism in Pakistan, with a focus on protest movements, but goes onto explain how the changing diplomatic situation changed how the Maoist groups inside Pakistan reacted to their government.

Background Surveys have provided evidence that tobacco use is widely prevalent amongst the youth in Pakistan. Several reviews have evaluated the effectiveness of various tobacco control programs, however, few have taken into account the perceptions of students themselves regarding these measures. The aim of this study was to determine the most effective anti-smoking messages that can be delivered to high-school students in Pakistan, based on their self-rated perceptions. It also aimed to assess the impact of pictorial/multi-media messages compared with written health warnings and to discover differences in perceptions of smokers to those of non-smokers to health warning messages. Methods This study was carried out in five major cities of Pakistan in private English-medium schools. A presentation was delivered at each school that highlighted the well-established health consequences of smoking using both written health warnings and pictorial/multi-media health messages. Following the presentation, the participants filled out a graded questionnaire form, using which they rated the risk-factors and messages that they thought were most effective in stopping or preventing them from smoking. The Friedman test was used to rank responses to each of the questions in the form. The Wilcoxon Signed Rank test used to analyze the impact of pictorial/multi-media messages over written statements. The Mann Whitney U test was used to compare responses of smokers with those of non-smokers. Results Picture of an oral cavity cancer, videos of a cancer patient using an electronic voice box and a patient on a ventilator, were perceived to be the most effective anti-smoking messages by students. Addiction, harming others through passive smoking and impact of smoking on disposable incomes were perceived to be less effective messages. Pictorial/multi-media messages were perceived to be more effective than written health warnings. Health warnings were perceived as less effective amongst smokers compared to non-smokers. Conclusion Graphic pictorial/multi-media health warnings that depict cosmetic and functional distortions were perceived as effective anti-smoking messages by English-medium high school students in Pakistan. Smokers demonstrated greater resistance to health promotion messages compared with non-smokers. Targeted interventions for high school students may be beneficial.

This study has been written to throw light on the contribution of the Sindhi common people to the cause of Pakistan. Muslim masses in Sindh who mainly comprised harïs, cultivators and mukhadims found their survival in the idea of Pakistan where their religious, economic and political rights would be secure. This study seeks a clear understanding of the role played by the students, women, low-income government employees, small businessmen, traders, industrial labour and peasants of Sindh towards the greater cause of Pakistan. It was due to the efforts of students, educated women, small businessmen, labourers and in some cases makhadlms and haris through the platform of their local organizations and the other groups of the Sindhi society that the Muslim League leadership on provincial level was organized and started thinking for the welfare of the masses as well as for the success for the cause of Pakistan. The general masses, in Sindh, did not look towards their provincial leadership but depended on themselves for the protection of their rights and for independence from the British rule and corresponded directly with the Quaid-i-Azam whenever required. They did successfully achieve Pakistan, but they are still waiting for the fulfillment of their dream of equal status in society.

The commitment of North-West Frontier Province Pakhtun religious politics towards the quest for a society and state governed by religious leaders was directed through the colonial period, and into the national period, predominantly by the ulama known as Deobandis. These ulama took their title from the madrasa Darul Ulum Deoband in the United Provinces in north-India and came to prominence through championing Muslim interests in colonial NWFP. After the partition of the Indian subcontinent and the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the United Provinces remained in India, separating Pakistani scholars trained in Deoband from Indian Deobandi theologians, and indeed from the school itself. But these ulama continued to call themselves Deobandis and were central to the successful demand for the constitutional declaration of Pakistan as an Islamic state; and brought Islam to bear on national and provincial legislation from positions in parliament. Increasingly well-organised and well-funded, NWFP Deobandi ulama established madrasas and mosques in the province, strengthening the preserve of religion and their own authority. When the Afghan resistance to the Soviet occupation began in 1978, a section of the resistance organisation working in exile in Peshawar gravitated towards these Deobandi institutions, drawing the Deobandi ulama of the NWFP into the jihad. Sustaining links to the Afghan fighters even after the withdrawal of the Soviets, the NWFP Deobandis contributed to and encouraged the emerging organisation of the Taliban, becoming champions of their reactionary brand of Islam. (Author abstract)