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Putting Greece back on the cultural and political map of the \"Long 1960s,\" this book traces the dissent and activism of anti-regime students during the dictatorship of the Colonels (1967-74). It explores the cultural as well as ideological protest of Greek student activists, illustrating how these \"children of the dictatorship\" managed to re-appropriate indigenous folk tradition for their \"progressive\" purposes and how their transnational exchange molded a particular local protest culture. It examines how the students' social and political practices became a major source of pressure on the Colonels' regime, finding its apogee in the three day Polytechnic uprising of November 1973 which laid the foundations for a total reshaping of Greek political culture in the following decades.

Through a close reading of novels by Ulrike Kolb, Irmtraud Morgner, Emine Sevgi Ozdamar, Bernhard Schlink, Peter Schneider, and Uwe Timm, this book traces the cultural memory of the 1960s student movement in German fiction, revealing layers of remembering and forgetting that go beyond conventional boundaries of time and space. These novels engage this contestation by constructing a palimpsest of memories that reshape readers' understanding of the 1960s with respect to the end of the Cold War, the legacy of the Third Reich, and the Holocaust. Topographically, these novels refute assertions that East Germans were isolated from the political upheaval that took place in the late 1960s and 1970s. Through their aesthetic appropriations and subversions, these multicultural contributions challenge conventional understandings of German identity and at the same time lay down claims of belonging within a German society that is more openly diverse than ever before.

In 2019, student protests over an increase in subway fare in Chile escalated into violence and a leaderless nationwide social upheaval. This research note takes a descriptive approach that goes beyond the protester/non-protesters dichotomy, because we believe we need a richer understanding of the “what, who, and how” of citizens around this outbreak. Based on a survey fielded amidst the upheaval, we distinguish protesters by intensity, and non-protesters by their position towards the upheaval. As expected, protesters tend to be young and educated. Strong protesters are more left-wing, interested in politics, and more participative, including electorally. They endorse democracy but are critical of its functioning, and more likely to justify illegal/violent actions as a means for social change. Inequality appears as a cross-cutting concern, even among opponents, but strong protesters are more distrustful of its sources and of the rich themselves. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings.

This book provides the first national study of this intense and challenging struggle which disrupted and refashioned institutions in almost every state. It also illuminates the context for one of the most transformative educational movements in American history through a history of black higher education and black student activism before 1965.

On 22 August 2024, thousands of students took to the streets of Indonesia's larger cities to protest against the Legislative Body's proposed revisions of the Regional Election Law (UU Pilkada) that would, as protesters argue, only serve the continuation of power of Indonesia's ruling elite. On social media, the hashtag #TolakPolitikDinasti went viral. The protests, and particularly the state's response towards protesters, reignite memories of the 1998 student movement, that succeeded in ending the 32-years-long authoritarian regime and marked the beginning of a transition towards full democracy (Aspinall, 2020). However, this achievement, just as Indonesia's democracy, is gradually fading, and for commentators, it only seems natural that the force of the student movement is regaining power. In a column for the national newspaper Kompas' website, appraising students' natural inclination towards justice, Indonesian sociologist Jannus Siahaan (2024) writes a day after the nation-wide demonstrations: \"Welcome back students and common sense. Indonesia, the country we love, has already been missing you.\" But is it really true that students have been absent from the political field in the past two decades? Who is the \"political vanguard\" (Sastramijaja, 2019), now raging on the streets? Frans Ari Prasetyo, an independent researcher, photographer, and activist himself was at the site of the protests in Bandung, West Java. In this interview, he reflects on Indonesia's current political situation, the protesters' grievances, but most importantly also the new dynamics in Indonesia's cultures of protest. This interview was adapted from an email correspondence that took place in the days following the August 2024 protests. Prasetyo's photographs, which he took during the protests in an act of documentation and that accompany this interview, take us right into the center of the events.

Histories of Portugal's transition to democracy have long focused on the 1974 military coup that toppled the authoritarian Estado Novo regime and set in motion the divestment of the nation's colonial holdings. However, the events of this \"Carnation Revolution\" were in many ways the culmination of a much longer process of resistance and protest originating in universities and other sectors of society. Combining careful research in police, government, and student archives with insights from social movement theory, The Revolution before the Revolution broadens our understanding of Portuguese democratization by tracing the societal convulsions that preceded it over the course of the \"long 1960s.\"

Bridging a half-century of student protest from 1929 to 1983, this source reader contains more than sixty texts from Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica, including editorials, speeches, manifestos, letters, and pamphlets.

This paper seeks to embed into a broader narrative on the political thought of the West German student movement a reading of Schmid's 1975 text in \"Autonomie\", which synthesized the SDS anti-authoritarians' tradition of a politicized critique of late capitalism with the autonomist impulse in Italian \"operaismo\". It is argued that in holding out the promise of revolutionary practice in the absence of revolutionary organization, Schmid displaced the very notion of revolutionary practice from the system to the subject level - an issue raised by Kraushaar's 1978 critique of a \"ghettoized\" milieu consumed by the \"radicalization of its own life context\". The trans-localization of the alternative milieu, particularly in the form of Green Lists and \"die tageszeitung\", was subsequently justified by milieu actors as a breakout from the ghetto, but would in turn undermine the milieu's autonomist foundations. Ultimately, Kraushaar's conundrum of \"autonomy or ghetto\" remained unresolved - reflecting.the extra-parliamentary left's inability to integrate strategies of milieu and offensive into a unifying strategy, as Dutschke's 1967 essay \"The Long March\" had enjoined it to do; the Greens' subsequent entry into parliaments was an expression of the abandonment, not the beginning, of a \"long march through the institutions\".

In the wake of the monstrous projects of Hitler, Stalin, Mao, and others in the twentieth century, the idea of utopia has been discredited. Yet, historian Jay Winter suggests, alongside the \"major utopians\" who murdered millions in their attempts to transform the world were disparate groups of people trying in their own separate ways to imagine a radically better world. This original book focuses on some of the twentieth-century's \"minor utopias\" whose stories, overshadowed by the horrors of the Holocaust and the Gulag, suggest that the future need not be as catastrophic as the past.The book is organized around six key moments when utopian ideas and projects flourished in Europe: 1900 (the Paris World's Fair), 1919 (the Paris Peace Conference), 1937 (the Paris exhibition celebrating science and light), 1948 (the Universal Declaration of Human Rights), 1968 (moral indictments and student revolt), and 1992 (the emergence of visions of global citizenship). Winter considers the dreamers and the nature of their dreams as well as their connections to one another and to the history of utopian thought. By restoring minor utopias to their rightful place in the recent past, Winter fills an important gap in the history of social thought and action in the twentieth century.

Social movements have been studied for their possible influence within political systems. In the past 12 years, Chile has registered an increasing number of social movements that have played an important role in the political system. This article adopts a qualitative methodology with a comparative approach of a case, comparing the student movement of 2011 and the No+AFP movement of 2016 and the influence of each movement on the public policy process, their linkages with political parties and whether this connection contributes to the movement having a greater incidence in decision-making. For the development of the comparison, the responses of the political system to the movements will be used; the incidence of the social movements will be analyzed by the level of intervention in the stages of public policy; and finally, the influence of movements will be examined, distinguishing a reactive influence (refusing to accept any decision of the authority) from a proactive influence (participating in the decision-making process of policies).