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A well-known empirical generalization is that suppletion is sensitive to the presence of intervening morphemes: for suppletion to take place, the trigger and the target must be adjacent. In this article, we focus on one manifestation of this generalization in Romance pronouns: number-triggered suppletion (NTS) is blocked by the presence of overt gender markers. We show how the Nanosyntactic Lexicalization Algorithm can derive the generalization without having to postulate any type of post-syntactic operation by focusing on the analysis of the three situations compatible with the generalization, and by showing how the fourth, unattested logical possibility cannot be generated by the Lexicalization Algorithm. This will also serve as an argument that the generalization on suppletion should be stated in terms of syntactic constituency, not locality.

The Spanish counterpart of English go shows apparently suppletive forms as follows. The alternation between v-, f- and i- seems not to be phonological. We can call it 'suppletion' as long as we recognize that doing so leaves questions open that we need to try to answer. In this paper, I will focus on the forms in f-. A familiar way of talking about the f- in question would be to say that it is inserted (late) as a realization of Spanish go in the context of preterite or imperfect subjunctive (or of what the preterite and the imperfect subjunctive have in common). I will, instead, try to throw some light on the identity of preterite and imperfect subjunctive forms across Spanish go and be by bringing in additional considerations that have nothing directly to do with verb morphology.

Korean subject honorification and Korean negation have both affixal and suppletive exponents. In addition, Korean negation has a periphrastic realization involving an auxiliary verb. By examining their interaction, we motivate several hypotheses concerning locality constraints on the conditioning of suppletion and the insertion of dissociated morphemes ('node-sprouting'). At the same time, we come to a better understanding of the nature of Korean subject honorification. We show that Korean honorific morphemes are 'dissociated' or 'sprouted,' i.e., introduced by morphosyntactic rule in accordance with morphological well-formedness constraints, like many other agreement morphemes. We argue that the conditioning domain for node-sprouting is the syntactic phase. In contrast, our data suggest that the conditioning domain for suppletion is the complex X₀, as proposed by Bobaljik (2012). We show that the 'spanning' hypotheses concerning exponence (Merchant 2015; Svenonius 2012), the 'linear adjacency' hypotheses (Embick 2010), and 'accessibility domain' hypothesis (Moskal 2014, 2015a, 2015b; Moskal and Smith 2016) make incorrect predictions for Korean suppletion. Finally, we argue that competition between honorific and negative suppletive exponents reveals a root-outwards effect in allomorphic conditioning, supporting the idea that insertion of vocabulary items proceeds root-outwards (Bobaljik 2000).

Phenomena traditionally thought of as morphological can be accounted for in terms of syntactic operations and principles, hence bringing forth questions that traditional morphology fails to ask (for instance, concerning the licensing of empty morphemes). The language faculty contains no specific morphological component, nor any post-syntactic morphological operations.

This paper investigates suppletive negation in Korean-verbs like eps- 'not exist' and molu- 'not know' that inherently encode negative meaning. While Short-form negation (SFN) and Long-form negation (LFN) typically introduce the marker an 'not,' these suppletive predicates lack any overt negator yet still exhibit key syntactic and semantic parallels to SFN. Drawing on newly elicited data involving double negation, negative polarity licensing, and negative polar questions (NPQs), we argue that suppletive negation is structurally integrated at the verb level, thus competing with SFN for the same morphological slot. Despite this competition, we show that pragmatically driven contexts -such as a speaker's surprise or contradiction of prior assumption-can override the default morphological restriction, enabling suppletive negation to pattern like SFN in NPQs. In doing so, this paper refines prior analyses (Chung 2007; Park and Dubinsky 2019) and highlights the importance of morphological fusion and discourse factors in shaping how negation is realized. Our findings offer broader insights into Korean negation and contribute to cross-linguistic theories of negation by illustrating how structural and pragmatic pressures converge to produce distinctive negative forms.

Suppletion for case and number in pronominal paradigms shows robust patterns across a large, cross-linguistic survey. These patterns are largely, but not entirely, parallel to patterns described in Bobaljik (2012) for suppletion for adjectival degree. Like adjectival degree suppletion along the dimension positive < comparative < superlative, if some element undergoes suppletion for a category X, that element will also undergo suppletion for any category more marked than X on independently established markedness hierarchies for case and number. We argue that the structural account of adjectival suppletive patterns in Bobaljik (2012) extends to pronominal suppletion, on the assumption that case (Caha 2009) and number (Harbour 2011) hierarchies are structurally encoded. In the course of the investigation, we provide evidence against the common view that suppletion obeys a condition of structural (Bobaljik 2012) and/or linear (Embick 2010) adjacency (cf. Merchant 2015; Moskal and Smith 2016), and argue that the full range of facts requires instead a domain-based approach to locality (cf. Moskal 2015b). In the realm of number, suppletion of pronouns behaves as expected, but a handful of examples for suppletion in nouns show a pattern that is initially unexpected, but which is, however, consistent with the overall view if the Number head is also internally structurally complex. Moreover, variation in suppletive patterns for number converges with independent evidence for variation in the internal complexity and markedness of number across languages.

Theories of the phonology-morphology interface can be differentiated by their claims regarding the timing of phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy (PCSA) and phonology. Some (e.g. Paster 2006; Embick 2010) argue that PCSA occurs in a morphological component of the grammar that precedes phonology; others (e.g. Kager 1996; Mascaró 2007; Smith 2015) argue that at least phonologically optimizing PCSA occurs in the phonological component of the grammar, in parallel with phonology. This paper discusses a case of apparently optimizing PCSA in Yindjibarndi (Pama-Nyungan, Wordick 1982), proposes an analysis in which suppletive allomorphy precedes phonology, and shows that the alternative – an analysis in which PCSA occurs in the phonological component of the grammar – should be dispreferred.

The Spanish counterpart of English go shows apparently suppletive forms as follows. The alternation between v-, f- and i- seems not to be phonological. We can call it 'suppletion' as long as we recognize that doing so leaves questions open that we need to try to answer. In this paper, I will focus on the forms in f-. A familiar way of talking about the f- in question would be to say that it is inserted (late) as a realization of Spanish go in the context of preterite or imperfect subjunctive (or of what the preterite and the imperfect subjunctive have in common). I will, instead, try to throw some light on the identity of preterite and imperfect subjunctive forms across Spanish go and be by bringing in additional considerations that have nothing directly to do with verb morphology.

A well-known empirical generalization is that suppletion is sensitive to the presence of intervening morphemes: for suppletion to take place, the trigger and the target must be adjacent. In this article, we focus on one manifestation of this generalization in Romance pronouns: number-triggered suppletion (NTS) is blocked by the presence of overt gender markers. We show how the Nanosyntactic Lexicalization Algorithm can derive the generalization without having to postulate any type of post-syntactic operation by focusing on the analysis of the three situations compatible with the generalization, and by showing how the fourth, unattested logical possibility cannot be generated by the Lexicalization Algorithm. This will also serve as an argument that the generalization on suppletion should be stated in terms of syntactic constituency, not locality.

Numerals and ordinals occupy a special place in the typology of suppletion. In generative work, one basic cross-linguistic parameter is whether ordinal allomorphy displays internal vs. external marking. Internal marking is when irregular forms propagate from lower ordinals to higher ones (English ‘first’ $ \\to $ ‘twenty-first’), whereas external marking is the lack of propagation. We catalog ordinal formation in Armenian dialects through both formal-generative and functional-typological perspectives. We find that Eastern Armenian and Early Western Armenian are uniformly external-marking systems for the ordinals of ‘1–4’. However, Modern Western Armenian is a mixed system: ‘1’ displays external-marking while ‘2–4’ display internal-marking. Simultaneously, the ordinal of ‘1’ uses a suppletive portmanteau, while the ordinals of ‘2–4’ use agglutinative allomorphs. We formalize these differences in a derivational approach to morphology (Distributed Morphology). We argue that mixed systems arise from allomorphy rules that are sensitive to either constituency or linearity. The Western mixed system seems typologically rare and novel. Given our formal analysis, we then uncover other asymmetries in the propagation of irregular ordinals and the retention of portmanteau morphology across 35 Armenian varieties. The end result is a strong functional correlation between suppletion, external marking, and lower numerals.