Explore the vast range of titles available.

Prosodic elements are considered the main parts of the Prosody science. So, learning these elements and the system that governs them plays a critical role in traditional prosody. In addition, recognizing the different types of elements (Salim va Mozahaf) shapes a big part of prosody. By realizing the defects of the traditional system, prosodists created new prosodic systems. In this way, each of them introduced their desired prosodic elements. But in the meantime, the explanation of the relationship between the elements in the new prosody and the suggestion of a structure for them was neglected. As a result, it confused the basics of prosody and caused difficulty in learning it. This research aims to identify the relationships between the elements and structurally explain them. The results of the study show two types of structural relationships between Persian prosodic elements. The first is formed based on the increase and decrease of the last syllables of the elements, and the second is based on the old concept of prosodic circles. By using it, all elements can be derived from the circles we call ‘elemental circles’. Based on these two types of relationships, two new prosodic structures are introduced: linear structure and circular structure. The common result shows that, regardless of rare ideas, the number of correct elements of Persian Prosody reaches 44, which are: 1 one-syllable, 2 two-syllable, 7 three-syllable, 13 four-syllable, and 21 five-syllable elements.

We find a family of groups generated by a pair of parabolic elements in which every relator must admit a long subword of a specific form. In particular, this collection contains groups in which the number of syllables of any relator is arbitrarily large. This suggests that the existing methods for finding non-free groups with rational parabolic generators may be inadequate in this case, as they depend on the presence of relators with few syllables. Our results rely on two variants of the ping-pong lemma that we develop, applicable to groups that are possibly non-free. These variants aim to isolate the group elements responsible for the failure of the classical ping-pong lemma.

Lyrics generation presents unique challenges, particularly in achieving precise syllable control while adhering to song form structures such as verses and choruses. Conventional line-by-line approaches often lead to unnatural phrasing, underscoring the need for more granular syllable management. We propose a framework for lyrics generation that enables multi-level syllable control at the word, phrase, line, and paragraph levels, aware of song form. Our approach generates complete lyrics conditioned on input text and song form, ensuring alignment with specified syllable constraints. Generated lyrics samples are available at: https://tinyurl.com/lyrics9999

Lyrics generation presents unique challenges, particularly in achieving precise syllable control while adhering to song form structures such as verses and choruses. Conventional line-by-line approaches often lead to unnatural phrasing, underscoring the need for more granular syllable management. We propose a framework for lyrics generation that enables multi-level syllable control at the word, phrase, line, and paragraph levels, aware of song form. Our approach generates complete lyrics conditioned on input text and song form, ensuring alignment with specified syllable constraints. Generated lyrics samples are available at: https://tinyurl.com/lyrics9999

This study investigates the distribution of superheavy syllables in Urban Irbid dialect (UID), revealing their occurrence in both non-final and final word positions. We argue that word-final superheavy syllables are characterized by an extrametrical or weightless final consonant. This extrametricality is proposed as a mechanism to satisfy constraints against trimoraic syllables (*3[micro]) and final consonants bearing weight (*FINAL-[micro]-C), albeit at the cost of violating the Weight-to-Stress Principle (WBP). Drawing on Broselow's (1992) analysis, we suggest that the extrametrical final consonant can alternatively satisfy WBP by violating a constraint against non-syllabic segments (NS[micro]). Furthermore, the analysis highlights that the absence of final CVCC syllables in UID stems from a violation of the Sonority Sequencing Principle. Finally, the paper notes the non-occurrence of certain non-final CVCC and CVCCC syllable types within the system, suggesting further constraints on syllable structure beyond those discussed. Index Terms--Urban Irbid dialect, superheavy syllables, extrametricality, Weight-to-Stress Principle

The Unit Selection based Synthesis (USS) inventory contains a large number of fundamental units with differing prosodic and spectral features. Based on the target and concatenation costs, a USS system chooses relevant units from its inventory. We use the Festival framework to develop a USS system that is based on syllables. In any USS system, it’s impossible to include all potential syllables in a local language from all possible contexts

We find a family of groups generated by a pair of parabolic elements in which every relator must admit a long subword of a specific form. In particular, this collection contains groups in which the number of syllables of any relator is arbitrarily large. This suggests that the existing methods for finding non-free groups with rational parabolic generators may be inadequate in this case, as they depend on the presence of relators with few syllables. Our results rely on two variants of the ping-pong lemma that we develop, applicable to groups that are possibly non-free. These variants aim to isolate the group elements responsible for the failure of the classical ping-pong lemma.

Hayes & Kaun (1996) argue that the mapping of syllables onto a metrical grid in textsetting is sensitive to natural duration, not just categorical weight (heavy or light). Most of their evidence, however, derives the final lengthening effects, which admit of another possible analysis (Halle 2004). Drawing on a corpus of 2,371 popular songs in English, I confirm that even when one controls for final lengthening and other factors, the setting of syllables to a discrete grid is sensitive to natural duration. Moreover, onset effects reveal that the domain of weight for textsetting is not the syllable, rime, or vowel-to-vowel interval, but rather the interval between p-centers (perceptual centers). Finally, I argue that the textsetting grammar invokes both natural duration and categorical weight; weight mapping cannot be reduced to one or the other.

Mismatches in weight criteria across weight-sensitive processes within individual languages present difficulties for theories of moraic structure, particularly regarding coda weight. Previous accounts, which stipulate that codas are variably moraic to account for the typological variation in the weight status of CVC for primary stress, make incorrect predictions for the status of CVC in other weight-sensitive phenomena, including tone, word minimality and secondary stress, among others. This article proposes a theory of Uniform Moraic Quantity coupled with a new syllable weight metric as a solution, which captures CVC’s flexible weight status while maintaining the cross-linguistic moraicity of codas and avoiding the incorrect predictions that frustrate the standard variable-weight approach.