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This paper investigates how young Japanese women in contemporary Soka Gakkai (SG) navigate Japan’s continuous gender stratified society that remains culturally rooted in the ‘salaryman-housewife’ ideology. How are young SG members reproducing or contesting these hegemonic gender norms that few seek to emulate? While SG has long proclaimed that it stands for gender equality, its employment structure and organization in Japan until recently reflected the typical male breadwinner ideology that came to underpin the post-war Japanese nation-state and systemic gender division of labor. As shown here, this did not mean that SG women were without power; in fact, in many ways they drove organizational developments in the Japanese context. The recent imposition of the global framework for Sustainable Development Goals of 2015 has enabled SG to more substantially challenge its own patriarchal public front. Based on long-term fieldwork, in-depth interviews and multiple group discussions with SG members in their 20s, this article explores how SG-Japan is being challenged to follow its own discourse of ‘globalism’ and ‘Buddhist humanism’, promoted by Daisaku Ikeda since the 1990s. Using Bourdieu’s analysis of symbolic power, the research shows how Japan’s powerful doxa of ‘genderism’ that held sway over earlier generations is currently being challenged by a glocalized Buddhist discourse that identifies Nichiren Buddhism as ‘humanism’ rather than Japanese ‘genderism’.

Although the issue of translation as power has been the central topic of many pieces of research over the past years, some of which being based on Bourdieu’s work on ‘symbolic power’ and its underlying principles, theorists in translation studies have failed so far to adequately integrate this key concept into the new theoretical framework generated by this sociological perspective. In this article, I will argue that since linguistics has already integrated the concept of ‘symbolic power’ successfully, thereby marking the emergence of a new perspective on language as a symbolic system, translation studies, as an interdisciplinary field, should follow suit and benefit from the advantages that such an approach may offer both on a theoretical as well as on a practical level.

Incarceration has become naturalized as a primary mode of punishment within the penal systems of modern states across the globe. This study examines how states develop the capacity to execute incarceration as a routine state function. I argue that rationalization and bureaucratization are key for transforming carceral enclosures into a naturalized feature of states’ routine exercise of coercion. I develop this argument through analysis of a dynamic case of carceral modernization in the Brazilian state of Espírito Santo (2003 to 2014). I analyze the significance of coordinated violence and performative strategies for rulers to extend administrative capacity to incarceration and transform confinement into a legitimate and legitimizing instrument of state power. Findings demonstrate how coercive practices and other modes of violence that state authorities come to narrate as illegitimate are not antithetical to modernization. Rather, they become constitutive of the very process of consolidating and legitimizing rational-legal modes of administration that routinely exercise violence while more effectively being misrecognized as such. By extending inquiry to how states develop the administrative capacity to exercise penal power, this analysis makes several contributions to the political sociology of punishment and theories of state-building.

We investigate symbolic and regular powers of monomial ideals. For a square-free monomial ideal I ⊆ [x 0, … , xn ] we show that for all positive integers m, t and r, where e is the big-height of I and . This captures two conjectures (r = 1 and r = e): one of Harbourne and Huneke, and one of Bocci et al. We also introduce the symbolic polyhedron of a monomial ideal and use this to explore symbolic powers of non-square-free monomial ideals.

This study evaluates the cultural behaviors of the Muslim Bosniak community living in the city of Novi Pazar, Serbia, specifically through the cultural elements observed in ceremonial transition rituals such as henna night celebrations, and the meanings attributed to these elements. In this region, where layers of Ottoman heritage, Bosniak identity, Turkishness, and Islamic identity are interwoven, the study analyzes—through an interpretivist approach and in light of field data—how cultural elements may occupy a strategic position in identity construction. The research is based on the theory of interpretive anthropology and employs qualitative data collection methods. Field data were gathered through participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and focus group discussions, and were analyzed using descriptive analysis and thematic coding techniques. This method reinforces the notion that henna night, as a rite of passage, functions not merely as a traditional festivity, but also as a crucial space in the construction of both individual and collective identities. Additionally, the study engages with the theoretical frameworks of Balkanism and Orientalism to discuss the tension between internal representations and external gazes; it argues that such ceremonies can serve both as local cultural expressions and as strategic re-presentations. The support provided to the Muslim community in Novi Pazar by Türkiye through instruments of cultural diplomacy is evaluated as a significant element in the processes of cultural continuity and identity reinforcement. The article reveals that cultural elements function not only as means for transmitting values and knowledge, but also as strategic components of identity, power, and mechanisms of political representation.

PurposeIn a state capitalist country such as China, an important influence on company reporting is the government, which can influence company decision-making. The nature and impact of how the Chinese government uses its symbolic power to promote corporate environmental reporting (CER) have been under-studied, and therefore, this paper aims to address this gap in the literature by investigating the various strategies the Chinese government uses to influence CER and how political ideology plays a key role.Design/methodology/approachThis study uses discourse analysis to examine the annual reports and corporate social responsibility (CSR) reports from seven Chinese companies between 2007 and 2011. And the data analysis presented is informed by Bourdieu's conceptualisation of symbolic power.FindingsThe Chinese government, through exercising the symbolic power, manages to build consensus, so that the Chinese government's political ideology becomes the habitus which is deeply embedded in the companies' perception of practices. In China, the government dominates the field and owns the economic capital. In order to accumulate symbolic capital, companies must adhere to political ideology, which helps them maintain and improve their social position and ultimately reward them with more economic capital. The findings show that the CER provided by Chinese companies is a symbolic product of this process.Originality/valueThe paper provides contributions around the themes of symbolic power wielded by the government that influence not only state-owned enterprises (SOEs) but also firms in the private sector. This paper also provides an important contribution to understanding, in the context of a strong ideologically based political system (such as China), how political ideology influences companies' decision-making in the field of CER.

This paper addresses the problem of comparing minimal free resolutions of symbolic powers of an ideal. Our investigation is focused on the behavior of the function \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)} = \\dim R -{{\\,\\mathrm{pd}\\,}}I^{(t)} - 1\\], where \\[I^{(t)}\\] denotes the t-th symbolic power of a homogeneous ideal I in a noetherian polynomial ring R and \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{pd}\\,}}\\] denotes the projective dimension. It has been an open question whether the function \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)}\\] is non-increasing if I is a squarefree monomial ideal. We show that \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)}\\] is almost non-increasing in the sense that \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(s)} \\ge {{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)}\\] for all \\[s \\ge 1\\] and \\[t \\in E(s)\\], where \\[\\begin{aligned} E(s) = \\bigcup _{i \\ge 1}\\{t \\in {\\mathbb {N}}|\\ i(s-1)+1 \\le t \\le is\\} \\end{aligned}\\](which contains all integers \\[t \\ge (s-1)^2+1\\]). The range E(s) is the best possible since we can find squarefree monomial ideals I such that \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(s)} < {{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)}\\] for \\[t \\not \\in E(s)\\], which gives a negative answer to the above question. Another open question asks whether the function \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)}\\] is always constant for \\[t \\gg 0\\]. We are able to construct counter-examples to this question by monomial ideals. On the other hand, we show that if I is a monomial ideal such that \\[I^{(t)}\\] is integrally closed for \\[t \\gg 0\\] (e.g. if I is a squarefree monomial ideal), then \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)}\\] is constant for \\[t \\gg 0\\] with \\[\\begin{aligned} \\lim _{t \\rightarrow \\infty }{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)} = \\dim R - \\dim \\oplus _{t \\ge 0}I^{(t)}/{\\mathfrak {m}}I^{(t)}. \\end{aligned}\\]Our last result (which is the main contribution of this paper) shows that for any positive numerical function \\[\\phi (t)\\] which is periodic for \\[t \\gg 0\\], there exist a polynomial ring R and a homogeneous ideal I such that \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{depth}\\,}}R/I^{(t)} = \\phi (t)\\] for all \\[t \\ge 1\\]. As a consequence, for any non-negative numerical function \\[\\psi (t)\\] which is periodic for \\[t \\gg 0\\], there is a homogeneous ideal I and a number c such that \\[{{\\,\\mathrm{pd}\\,}}I^{(t)} = \\psi (t) + c\\] for all \\[t \\ge 1\\].

This paper investigates the workings of symbolic power in diplomatic practice. At the level of empirical observation, it focuses on the intangible and incalculable 'feel for the game' that distinguishes a well-informed and relaxed insider from an ill-informed and ill-at-ease outsider in European Union (EU) diplomatic circles in Brussels. By highlighting the play of social resources, such as reputation, presence, poise, and composure in these circles, I examine EU diplomacy from an angle - symbolic power - that is often overlooked in the existing work on that field. Conceptually, the analysis focuses on the role of informal social resources rather than formal institutional structures in diplomatic practice. It also outlines the potential synergies between the study of diplomacy in international relations (IR) on the one hand and geography, anthropology, and sociology on the other. The paper thereby advances the analytical toolbox of diplomatic studies and practice theory. Such conceptual sharpening is needed, especially now that diplomacy is becoming more transnational and less linked to the foreign ministries of states.

Scholarship on global environmental assessments call for these organisations to become more reflexive to address challenges around participation, inclusivity of perspectives, and responsivity to the policy domains they inform. However, there has been less call for reflexivity in IPCC scholarship or closer examination of how routine concepts condition scholarly understanding by focusing on science and politics over other social dynamics. In this article, I suggest that scholarly reflexivity could advance new analytical approaches that provide practical insights for changing organisational structures. Through reflecting on my understanding of the IPCC, I develop actors, activities, and forms of authority as a new analytical framework for studying international organisations and knowledge bodies. Through its application, I describe the social order of the IPCC within and between the panel, the bureau, the technical support units, the secretariat and the authors, which is revealing of which actors, on the basis of what authority, have symbolic power over the writing of climate change. The fine-grained analysis of organisations enabled by this analytical framework reveals how dominance can and is being remade through intergovernmental relations and potentially, identifies avenues that managers of these bodies can pursue to challenge it.

In this paper we prove that, under mild conditions, an equicharacteristic integrally closed domain which is a finite abelian extension of a regular domain has the uniform symbolic topology property.