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This research investigates a syntactical study and comparative analysis of the statistical and spatial characteristics of traditional houses in an urban kampung settlement, focusing on a selected case study built by a participatory Arabic community in Palembang, South Sumatra, Indonesia. This research aims to determine a formal rule basis for spatial configurations to reveal identical sociospatial structures based on syntactical analysis. This experiment measures spatial layout variation through space syntax analysis to provide a better understand of how the correlation between spatial configuration and sociospatial structures in traditional houses can be deconstructed. This syntactical analysis applies four distinctive procedures: a selected case study, data collection, statistical and graphical analysis, and graph analysis. The results indicate that the spatiality of all traditional houses in this kampung settlement highlights the spatial hierarchy order as a formal rule-based system, and approximately an average of 10% of this community is concerned with designing intelligible layouts. Rumah Batu and other dwellings have a similarity and closeness. The main dwelling’s function involves more steps to separate public and private functional rooms, but a functional transformation from a dwelling into a public facility creates a short distance for easy access by users. Additionally, this separation affects occupants, especially in terms of spatial distribution activities, movement flows, and other social phenomena. This approach provides practical and tangible benefits for preservation values related to buildings; this strategy may also change how buildings are perceived in other built environments.

Objectives To examine the effect of the physical layout of the street network on the spatial distribution of outdoor serious violence. Crime pattern theory predicts crime would be more prevalent on more connected, accessible or traveled street segments, as these will be more likely to fall within an offender’s awareness space. Methods The distribution of incidents of outdoor murder, attempted murder and other near-lethal violent crimes that occurred in one London (UK) borough (N = 447 offenses) was analyzed. The space syntax methodology was used to estimate the to- and through-movement potential of individual street segments. Results Regression analyses showed higher levels of integration (a measure of to-movement potential) and choice (through-movement potential) were associated with greater odds of a street segment containing at least one crime. Risk was also higher for segments located near to segments with the highest global choice values. In contrast, connectivity (the number of other segments a street segment is adjacent to) was negatively associated with crime occurrence. Conclusions As predicted, the configuration of the street network was associated with the spatial distribution of outdoor serious violence. Crime reduction measures should be targeted at high-choice street segments (typically main arteries) and segments nearby.

Elided VPs and their antecedent VPs can mismatch in voice, with passive VPs being elided under apparent identity with active antecedent VPs, and vice versa. Such voice mismatches are not allowed in any other kind of ellipsis, such as sluicing and other clausal ellipses. These latter facts appear to indicate that the identity relation in ellipsis is sensitive to syntactic form, not merely to semantic form. The VP-ellipsis facts fall into place if the head that determines voice is external to the phrase being elided, here argued to be vP; such an account can only be framed in approaches that allow syntactic features to be separated from the heads on which they are morphologically realized. Alternatives to this syntactic, articulated view of ellipsis and voice either undergenerate or overgenerate.

Automatic syntactic analysis of a corpus requires detailed lexical and morphological information that cannot always be harvested from traditional dictionaries. Therefore the development of a treebank presents an opportunity to simultaneously enrich the lexicon. In building NorGramBank, we use an incremental parsebanking approach, in which a corpus is parsed and disambiguated, and after improvements to the grammar and the lexicon, reparsed. In this context we have implemented a text preprocessing interface where annotators can enter unknown words or missing lexical information either before parsing or during disambiguation. The information added to the lexicon in this way may be of great interest both to lexicographers and to other language technology efforts.

Computational syntactic processing is a fundamental technique in natural language processing. It normally serves as a pre-processing method to transform natural language into structured and normalized texts, yielding syntactic features for downstream task learning. In this work, we propose a systematic survey of low-level syntactic processing techniques, namely: microtext normalization, sentence boundary disambiguation, part-of-speech tagging, text chunking, and lemmatization. We summarize and categorize widely used methods in the aforementioned syntactic analysis tasks, investigate the challenges, and yield possible research directions to overcome the challenges in future work.

The goal of this article is to explore the utility of experimental syntax techniques in the investigation of syntactic variation. To that end, we applied the factorial definition of island effects made available by experimental syntax (e.g., Sprouse et al. 2012) to four island types (wh/whether, complex NP, subject, and adjunct), two dependency types (wh-interrogative clause dependencies and relative clause dependencies) and two languages (English and Italian). The results of 8 primary experiments suggest that there is indeed variation across dependency types, suggesting that wh-interrogative clause dependencies and relative clause dependencies cannot be identical at every level of analysis; however, the pattern of variation observed in these experiments is not exactly the pattern of variation previously reported in the literature (e.g., Rizzi 1982). We review six major syntactic approaches to the analysis of island effects (Subjacency, CED, Barriers, Relativized Minimality, Structure-building, and Phases) and discuss the implications of these results for these analyses. We also present 4 supplemental experiments testing complex wh-phrases (also called D-linked or lexically restricted wh-phrases) for all four island types using the factorial design in order to tease apart the contribution of dependency type from featural specification. The results of the supplemental experiments confirm that dependency type is the major source of variation, not featural specification, while providing a concrete quantification of what exactly the effect of complex wh-phrases on island effects is.

The study developed a model of linguistic constructs to predict writing quality for college basic writers and analyzed how those constructs changed following instruction. Analysis used a corpus of argumentative essays from a quasi-experimental, instructional study with 252 students (MacArthur, Philippakos, & Ianetta, 2015) that found large effects (ES = 1.22) on quality of argumentative writing. Coh-Metrix (McNamara, Graesser, McCarthy, & Cai, 2014) was used to analyze the essays for lexical and syntactic complexity and cohesion. Structural equation modeling found that referential cohesion (p < .001) and lexical complexity (p < .01) positively predicted quality on posttest essays while syntactic complexity (p < .001) was negatively related to quality. Length explained 30% of variance in quality; the full model explained 48.7%. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to impute factor scores for pretest and posttest essays. Analysis of covariance using these factors found that the treatment group wrote posttest essays with greater lexical complexity (p < .01) and referential cohesion (p < .01) and less use of connectives (p < .05) than a business-as-usual control group.

On the basis of a number of cases where the status of X with respect to phasehood changes depending on the syntactic context in which X occurs, I argue for a contextual approach to phasehood whereby the highest phrase in the extended projection of all lexical categories—N, P, A, and V (passive and active)—functions as a phase. The relevant arguments concern extraction and ellipsis. I argue that ellipsis is phaseconstrained: only phases and complements of phase heads can in principle undergo ellipsis. I show that Ā-extraction out of an ellipsis site is possible only if the ellipsis site corresponds to a phasal complement. I also provide evidence for the existence of several AspectPs, all of which have morphological manifestations, in the VP domain of English and show that they crucially affect the phasehood of this domain. The article provides a uniform account of a number of superficially different constructions involving extraction and ellipsis from Serbo-Croatian, Japanese, Turkish, and English.

This article puts forward two distinct arguments regarding the condition on identity between antecedent and ellipsis site that governs the grammaticality of sluices. The first argument is that the viability of a requirement of syntactic identity has been too hastily dismissed. Such a condition is viable if syntactic identity is not assessed over the entire deleted constituent, but instead is assessed head-by-head for each head stranded in the ellipsis site. This allows syntactic differences associated with material that has moved out of the ellipsis site to not affect the calculation of syntactic identity. The second argument is that the bestiary of possible mismatches under sluicing can be given a uniform syntactic characterization: all and only material originating outside of the verbal complex can be mismatched under sluicing. The restriction of identity conditions to the verbal complex is implementable in many (but not all) approaches to ellipsis identity; I provide a concrete application of it to the proposed head-based syntactic identity condition.

It has been known since Barbiers (2001) that genoeg ‘enough’ can turn predicate adverbs into sentence adverbs. When genoeg occurs in a sentence adverbial phrase, it is syntactically obligatory, but makes little to no semantic contribution: (1) Kees heeft gek * (genoeg) niet gek genoeg gedanst. Kees has weird * (enough) not weird enough danced ‘Weirdly, Kees didn’t dance weirdly enough.’ In this paper, I analyse the external and internal syntax of such enough support adverbs. Using Cinque’s (1999) adverbial hierarchy, I observe that enough support splits into subject-oriented and evaluative adverbs . Next, I nuance the accepted theory that genoeg in adverbial phrases is an affix: only enough support is a full-fledged affix; regular enough is an affixoid. Finally, I analyse the internal syntax of enough support . I suggest that a Sentence Predicate Projection is needed for the formation of sentence adverbials.