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Turkey now hosts the largest number of Syrian refugees in the world, more than 3.6 million of the 12.7 million displaced by the Syrian Civil War. Many of them are subject to an unpredictable temporary protection, forcing them to live under vulnerable and insecure conditions. The Precarious Lives of Syrians examines the three dimensions of the architecture of precarity: Syrian migrants' legal status, the spaces in which they live and work, and their movements within and outside Turkey. The difficulties they face include restricted access to education and healthcare, struggles to secure employment, language barriers, identity-based discrimination, and unlawful deportations. Feyzi Baban, Suzan Ilcan, and Kim Rygiel show that Syrians confront their precarious conditions by engaging in cultural production and community-building activities, and by undertaking perilous journeys to Europe, allowing them to claim spaces and citizenship while asserting their rights to belong, to stay, and to escape. The authors draw on migration policies, legal and scholarly materials, and five years of extensive field research with local, national, and international humanitarian organizations, and with Syrians from all walks of life. The Precarious Lives of Syrians offers a thoughtful and compelling analysis of migration precarity in our contemporary context.

In this study, the Syrian refugees’ integration problems are examined, and the main challenges such as learning the tongue, finding jobs, housing, education, and vulnerability to abuse are analyzed. Moreover, some measures for social integration were proposed. Because of the civil war that broke out in Syria in 2011, many Syrians had to leave their homes and find shelter in neighboring countries. Turkey applied an open door policy from the beginning and received an influx of Syrian refugees and asylum seekers. Turkey is now de facto home to over 3.5 million registered Syrians, along with non-registered ones. Refugee influx has initially been regarded as temporary and Syrian refugees are seen as “guests.” Especially after the influx in 2014–2015, however, the positive emotions began gradually fading and some started to pronounce refugees as “overstaying guests.” Eventually, perspectives have shifted from short-term protection and humanitarian assistance to longer-term social and economic integration of Syrian refugees. Long-term integration and settlement of the refugees necessitate a comprehensive, unified, and rigorous approach. It also requires greater cooperation between policymakers, practitioners, and civil society organizations in different areas such as employment, education, and health. In addition, it calls robust international cooperation and support.

ObjectiveThis study is designed to explore associated sociodemographic, birth-related and household characteristics with preterm birth (< 37 weeks) among Turkish and Syrian refugee women.MethodsThe data utilized in this study were obtained from the Turkey Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS) conducted in 2018. Various statistical analyses, including descriptive statistics, independent sample t-tests, and Chi-square tests, were employed to examine the differences in study variables between Turkish and Syrian refugee women. Furthermore, logistic regression analysis was conducted to identify the associated factors with preterm birth among Turkish and Syrian refugee women, allowing for comparative analysis.ResultsThe key findings of this study revealed significant differences in sociodemographic (p < 0.05), birth-related (p < 0.05), and household characteristics (p < 0.05) that are associated with preterm birth among Turkish and Syrian refugee women. Also, nationality (OR: 3.427; 95% CI 2.770–4.241), delivery by c-section (OR: 1.630; 95% CI 1.370–1.939), educational status (OR: 0.674; 95% CI 0.547–0.832), place of delivery (OR: 0.806; 95% CI 0.666–0.975), and number of household members (OR: 1.206; 95% CI 1.013–1.437) were found to be important factors associated with preterm birth risk.ConclusionsThe key findings of this study contribute to the identification of women’s factors in preterm birth. By understanding the factors that contribute to preterm birth among both Syrian refugee and Turkish women, appropriate interventions can be developed to improve maternal and child health outcomes.SignificanceAfter the civil war that broke out in Syria, most of the Syrian people immigrated to many countries, especially Turkey. Changing living conditions and difficulties in accessing health services cause refugee pregnant women to face the risk of premature birth. This study contributes to the existing knowledge by emphasizing comparatively the sociodemographic, birth-related and household characteristics associated with preterm birth among the Syrian refugee and Turkish women population living in Turkey.

The purpose of this research is to find out how Syrians with temporary protection status in Turkey live and work, as well as how they are treated in the agriculture industry, from the point of view of Syrians. The study used a survey-based approach to collect primary data from 210 Syrian asylum seekers residing in Hatay province, which hosts a substantial population of Syrian refugees, accounting for 18% of the province's total population. The researchers employed the Simple Random Sampling Method to select the participants, ensuring a representative sample from the overall Syrian refugee population in the region. While a notable proportion of respondents (37%) reported having no major problems at their workplaces, a substantial portion (44%) faced significant challenges. These challenges encompassed issues such as low wages, heavy workloads, language barriers hindering communication, social exclusion, and a lack of access to social security benefits. The research brought attention to the vulnerable position of Syrian refugees in the labor market and the need for comprehensive measures to improve their working conditions and overall well-being.

The present study investigates major Turkish political party discourses about the Syrian refugees in Turkey based on parties’ manifestoes and pamphlets. The refugee problem increased nationalist feelings in Turkey specifically when the president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, explained that the Syrians could be naturalized. To analyse this situation, we draw on theories on securitization and xenophobia. Political party discourses were analysed by Nvivo 11 software program. The results suggest that while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) uses historical–cultural and Islamic discourses, the CHP has an economic discourse. The MHP, the Turkish nationalist party, and the HDP, the Kurdish nationalist party, both deploy nationalist discourses. Members of the CHP claim that the Syrians are the source of major crimes and unemployment. The AKP adopts an Ensar–Muhacir (guest–host) discourse because of its Islamic approach to the refugees. Political parties in Turkey securitize the Syrian refugee crisis through their political discourses, which result in the rise of xenophobia in Turkey. The study suggests that political parties lead to the rise in anti-refugee attitude.

This study investigates the impact of the massive and unexpected influx of Syrian refugees on the job vacancy rates (JVRs) and job-finding rates (JFRs) in Turkey between 2009–2015 and 2009–2018. We employed the instrumental variable approach to address potential endogeneity issues. While we found no significant causal impact of the Syrian refugees on JVR, they decreased JFR between 2009 and 2018. A reduction in JFR indicates that the Beveridge Curve shifted inwards, thereby raising matching efficiency and facilitating an improvement in labour market conditions. Furthermore, our research indicated differences in coefficients and significance in JVR and JFR across occupations, as well as different effects in these areas between the short and long term. However, the results demonstrate that the rapid and unexpected influx of Syrian refugees alleviated JVR and JFR in most of the occupation groups.

Due to the Syrian Civil War, many Syrians have had to flee their country and seek refuge in neighbouring countries, and they face a great deal of financial and social problems in their new countries of residence. Problems such as language barriers and hostility from the host community make it difficult for refugees to integrate into the countries which took them in, and the fact that they must become a part of the work force as a matter of priority to meet their daily needs means that they often work unskilled jobs for low wages and are not registered in any official systems. The structural properties of the agricultural sector means that it is one of the most popular work areas for Syrian migrants. This study aims to evaluate the circumstances of Syrian individuals under temporary protection status in Turkey in the agricultural sector from the perspective of farmers. To this end, a survey was conducted with 395 farmers working in the agricultural sector in the province of Gaziantep. According to the findings of the research, 61.5% of agricultural businesses in Gaziantep employ Syrian refugees. The main reason for farmers opting to employ Syrian workers under temporary protection order is low wages (78.8%). 82.9% of Syrian refugees work only during harvesting season. 92.4% work both harvesting and hoeing, while 79.2% of business owners state that employing refugees allows them to decreased their production costs. Despite the presence of legal regulations in Turkey outlining how refugees can become a part of the labour force, these haven’t prevented the prevalence of off-the-books employment. Making the necessary amendments to legal regulations regarding seasonal workers in the agricultural sector would benefit both local workers and Syrian refugees. Additionally, legislation regarding salaries would improve the living standards of refugee workers and increase their motivation to work, thus improve productivity in agricultural products.

Most classical authors and modern historians depict the ancient Greek world as essentially stable and even static, once the so-called colonization movement came to an end. But Robert Garland argues that the Greeks were highly mobile, that their movement was essential to the survival, success, and sheer sustainability of their society, and that this wandering became a defining characteristic of their culture. Addressing a neglected but essential subject,Wandering Greeksfocuses on the diaspora of tens of thousands of people between about 700 and 325 BCE, demonstrating the degree to which Greeks were liable to be forced to leave their homes due to political upheaval, oppression, poverty, warfare, or simply a desire to better themselves. Attempting to enter into the mind-set of these wanderers, the book provides an insightful and sympathetic account of what it meant for ancient Greeks to part from everyone and everything they held dear, to start a new life elsewhere-or even to become homeless, living on the open road or on the high seas with no end to their journey in sight. Each chapter identifies a specific kind of \"wanderer,\" including the overseas settler, the deportee, the evacuee, the asylum-seeker, the fugitive, the economic migrant, and the itinerant, and the book also addresses repatriation and the idea of the \"portable polis.\" The result is a vivid and unique portrait of ancient Greece as a culture of displaced persons.

James Clapper speaks to Senate Armed Services Committee about global and regional threats to U.S. and U.S. interests, including Iran.

James Clapper describes global and regional threats to U.S. and U.S. interests.