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"Taliban."
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International law and the Taliban's legal status: Emerging recognition criteria?
After the American-mediated attempts at facilitating a negotiated transition failed in Doha, on August 15, 2021, the Taliban retook the Afghan capital and soon after reestablished the \"Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan\" (2021-) along with a caretaker government. The forceful return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan poses difficult questions of international law. Chief among these questions is who has the right to represent the Afghan state internationally after August 15, 2021. Applying the rules of public international to the case of the Taliban's caretaker government, this article argues that the strongest argument for disqualifying the Taliban as a government capable of representing Afghanistan is that the regime espouses principles, as a matter for formal governmental policies, which, in their totality, are so fundamentally discriminatory that they violate 'jus cogens' norms of international law. These violations are especially egregious regarding the Taliban's treatment of women. In many ways, the Taliban's gender-based discrimination shares similarities to South Africa's racial apartheid. As a result, the Taliban's effective control over Afghanistan may not be enough to confer on it the status of a \"government\" under international law. This argument depends on the comparability of race-based discrimination with some fundamental forms of gender-based discrimination in a world where gender-based restrictions are not uncommon albeit not to the extent that the Taliban imposes. The Taliban's caretaker government has provided the occasion where the unanimous condemnation of the international community could indicate that international law has come to contain a jus cogens norm banning some fundamental forms of gender-based discrimination denying admission to a government that holds those policies de jure recognition under international law.
Journal Article
Resurrection of Tehrik‐e‐Taliban Pakistan Amidst Afghan Regime’s Indifference: Threats to Intersectional Security Strands in the Region
As the Afghan Taliban came to power in August 2021, the terrorist attacks by the Afghanistan‐based Tehrik‐e‐Taliban Pakistan (TTP) operatives intensified in Pakistan. Despite Pakistan’s repeated requests, the Taliban’s regime looked the other way and facilitated a renewed spate of TTP‐led terrorism in Pakistan, specifically its regions dividing the two countries. This article scrutinizes the multifaceted threats of TTP’s brutal resurgence to intersectional security strands in the strategically important region and their impact on the complex relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Drawing on the analysis of historical context and contemporary terrorist growth in Pakistan’s territories, the study elucidates the evolving dynamics in the frontier regions and settled areas and bilateral relations in the wake of TTP’s resurrection in the period of 2021–2024. The investigation employs a mixed method combining a qualitative approach for the analysis of historical ties, bilateral diplomatic discourse, and measuring intensification of terrorist incidents in Pakistan since 2021 with quantitative data. The study leads to a rational perception of the complicated interplay between states and non‐state actors, regional geopolitics, and Pakistan–Afghanistan relations in the era of heightened uncertainty on Afghan soil with a potential to project regional terrorism. Furthermore, intersectionality as a framework of analysis helps in gauging the impact of socio‐political, cultural, and economic elements with regard to targeted communities while evaluating the extent of injustices on account of race, gender, class, and ideology (religious belief).
Journal Article
The Taliban in Afghanistan
Describes what the Taliban is and how it affects life in Afghanistan and around the world.
Book
Dying to Live
Embracing the tactic of suicide bombings first in 2003, the Taliban in Afghanistan quickly emerged as the leading terrorist group in the world that has claimed responsibility for such bombings. Over a period of more than 10 years, the group has indiscriminately carried out hundreds of suicide bombings across the country. How have the Taliban managed to operationalize one of the most notorious bombing tactics against all the existing social and cultural odds of Afghan society? To answer this question, this study, by applying qualitative thematic analysis, examined the contents of the Taliban’s written and audio-visual materials on suicide bombings. Two dominant narratives, namely “Istish-haadi” [seeking martyrdom] and “love to death,” that are at the core of the Taliban’s produced literature on suicide bombings, have supplied the group with dispensable human bombs. These bombers, the study concludes, are “dying to live”.
Journal Article
Mirage or Oasis? Assessing the Role of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan
During a 20-year civil war, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) has served as a bastion of international support, democratic values, and humanitarian assistance. Highlighting democratization, security, economic assistance, and human rights, we employed over 20 years of United Nations (UN) archives to examine the effectiveness of its mission mandates, and found that UNAMA had reduced child labor and judicial corruption while increasing civil society and facilitating international humanitarian aid. However, UNAMA failed to improve security or establish an inclusive government, particularly with respect to human rights violations. After the US military withdrawal in 2021, the future of UNAMA is contingent upon political negotiations with the Taliban. Only time will tell whether contributions of the mission will persist into the post-conflict era. KCI Citation Count: 0
Journal Article