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"Terrorism Libya."
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Benghazi! : a new history of the fiasco that pushed America and its world to the brink
\"Ten years after an attack on the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi killed Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other Americans, cries of \"Benghazi!\" still echo across America. But instead of a landmark event to be taken seriously, it has become a punchline, an empty word, or a code for controversy and political theatre. In this thrilling retelling, Ethan Chorin reveals Benghazi as a watershed moment in American history, one that helped create the world America lives in today: polarized, fearful, and dangerously unstable. Here, Benghazi is not a story contained in 13 hours, but a decades-long history beginning with the rise of Muammar Gaddafi, stretching through 9/11, the War on Terror, and the Arab Spring, and reaching into the present day, as the impact of the attack and ensuing controversy remain visible in America and around the world. Chorin draws on his own bone-chilling experience during the Benghazi attack, his expertise as a former diplomat and scholar of Libyan history, and new interviews with Libyan insiders, eyewitnesses, and key players like Hillary Clinton and Ben Rhodes. With this ambitious, engaging narrative, Chorin makes clear why Benghazi still matters so much ten years later--and why we can't afford to continue overlooking and misunderstanding it. \"-- Provided by publisher.
The Origins of the US War on Terror
2013,2012
The war on terror did not start after 9/11, rather its origins must be traced back much further to the Reagan administration and the 1980s. Utilizing recently declassified archival resources, Toaldo offers an in-depth analysis of how ideas and threat perceptions were shaped both by traditional US policy in the Middle East during the Cold War and by the cooperation with the Israeli right. The book examines two case studies of American intervention in the region and of its reactions to terrorism: Lebanon between 1982 and 1984 and Libya from 1981 to 1986. The first encounter with Hizbullah and the 'pre-emptive strike' against Qadhafi are analyzed in light of the recently released sources.
Tracing foreign policy thinking developed by Reagan officials and Israeli intellectuals and leaders, the work demonstrates the significant impact this thinking had on US foreign policy after 9-11: ideas such as pre-emptive strikes, regime change and state-sponsorship were elaborated in the Reagan years and would later influence Bush's Global War on Terror. The book will be of great interest to scholars of US Foreign Policy, Middle East studies and American history.
Egyptian National Security and the Perils of Egyptian–Libyan Border Management
by
Farag, Mona
2020
In this post-9/11 age, marked by international terrorism, militant non-state actors have created a world of insecurity, challenging international borders by constructing numerous national security issues. These international demarcation lines have been upheld by international conventions and treaties that have been established over the past decades. However, the fluid movement of people and goods, specifically jihadi militants and weapons, through borders in recent years has created both national and transnational security concerns. Nowhere is this problem more relevant than in the Middle East, and more so at the Libyan–Egyptian border. This research paper assesses the current security and policy problems of the Egyptian–Libyan border from Egypt’s national security perspective and the movement of ISIS militants across this border, which inevitably impacts Egypt’s Eastern border in the Sinai Peninsula. The present actions of international assistance of the United Nations and European Union member states are discussed regarding their negotiation initiatives in Libya. Egypt’s alternative approach is discussed, whereby it is taking charge, whether multi- or unilaterally, of the security predicament by effectively policing this porous border. In effect, this paper analyzes Egypt’s insistence on implementing its traditional notions of security, thereby ensuring it remains in a position of power.
Journal Article
The Role of ISIS as a Religious Terrorist Group in the Instability of Libya in the Post-Gaddafi Era: The Case of Sirte
2022
Stability and security remain the two most important objectives in the post-Gaddafi era since no accord has established a legitimate government in Libya yet. The rivalry of the Tripoli and Tobruk governments has resulted in unabating state insecurity in Libya. This article focuses on the strategic city of Sirte where the insecurity was felt most in the post-Gaddafi era. The significance of this city also comes from its strategic location, which makes it the main target for the political actors that want to control Libya. Deriving from these points, this article analyzes the impact and threat of ISIS as the terrorist group in Sirte.
Journal Article
Theorising Sanctions as Warfare
2023
Conventional literature on sanctions tends to overfocus on measuring their political efficacy on targeted countries, accused of carrying out terrorist activities. More critically, other studies have focused on the ethical problems arising from the consequences that sanctions have on entire populations. Departing from these approaches, this article draws on Fidel Castro’s concept of the “Battle of Ideas” and argues that sanctions should be studied as a form of US-led imperialist warfare over the Global South. Taking the case of Libya, the article relies on archival sources (CIA [Central Intelligence Agency], US and Libyan government, and UN documents) as well as secondary literature, and argues that sanctions act as a form of economic warfare that supplants or complements the use of other forms of warfare, including military and non-military. In doing so, the article calls for a deeper and renewed engagement with the Third-Worldist Marxist theoretical lineage, when studying the question of financial subordination, dependency, war, and imperialism in the Arab world, and the Global South at large.
Journal Article
The Day After
2019,2020
Since 9/11, why have we won smashing battlefield victories only
to botch nearly everything that comes next? In the opening phases
of war in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya, we mopped the floor with
our enemies. But in short order, things went horribly wrong.
We soon discovered we had no coherent plan to manage the \"day
after.\" The ensuing debacles had truly staggering consequences-many
thousands of lives lost, trillions of dollars squandered, and the
apparent discrediting of our foreign policy establishment. This
helped set the stage for an extraordinary historical moment in
which America's role in the world, along with our commitment to
democracy at home and abroad, have become subject to growing doubt.
With the benefit of hindsight, can we discern what went wrong? Why
have we had such great difficulty planning for the aftermath of
war?
In The Day After , Brendan Gallagher-an Army lieutenant
colonel with multiple combat tours to Iraq and Afghanistan, and a
Princeton Ph.D.-seeks to tackle this vital question. Gallagher
argues there is a tension between our desire to create a new
democracy and our competing desire to pull out as soon as possible.
Our leaders often strive to accomplish both to keep everyone happy.
But by avoiding the tough underlying decisions, it fosters an
incoherent strategy. This makes chaos more likely.
The Day After draws on new interviews with dozens of
civilian and military officials, ranging from US cabinet
secretaries to four-star generals. It also sheds light on how, in
Kosovo, we lowered our postwar aims to quietly achieve a surprising
partial success. Striking at the heart of what went wrong in our
recent wars, and what we should do about it, Gallagher asks whether
we will learn from our mistakes, or provoke even more disasters?
Human lives, money, elections, and America's place in the world may
hinge on the answer.
Meet the scientists affected by Trump’s immigration ban
2017
Order barring citizens of seven countries from entering the United States has left many confused and afraid.
Journal Article
Predicting the Impact of the 2011 Conflict in Libya on Population Mental Health: PTSD and Depression Prevalence and Mental Health Service Requirements
by
Charlson, Fiona J.
,
Chey, Tien
,
Degenhardt, Louisa
in
Analysis
,
Depression (Mood disorder)
,
Depression - epidemiology
2012
Mental disorders are likely to be elevated in the Libyan population during the post-conflict period. We estimated cases of severe PTSD and depression and related health service requirements using modelling from existing epidemiological data and current recommended mental health service targets in low and middle income countries (LMIC's).
Post-conflict prevalence estimates were derived from models based on a previously conducted systematic review and meta-regression analysis of mental health among populations living in conflict. Political terror ratings and intensity of exposure to traumatic events were used in predictive models. Prevalence of severe cases was applied to chosen populations along with uncertainty ranges. Six populations deemed to be affected by the conflict were chosen for modelling: Misrata (population of 444,812), Benghazi (pop. 674,094), Zintan (pop. 40,000), displaced people within Tripoli/Zlitan (pop. 49,000), displaced people within Misrata (pop. 25,000) and Ras Jdir camps (pop. 3,700). Proposed targets for service coverage, resource utilisation and full-time equivalent staffing for management of severe cases of major depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) are based on a published model for LMIC's.
Severe PTSD prevalence in populations exposed to a high level of political terror and traumatic events was estimated at 12.4% (95%CI 8.5-16.7) and was 19.8% (95%CI 14.0-26.3) for severe depression. Across all six populations (total population 1,236,600), the conflict could be associated with 123,200 (71,600-182,400) cases of severe PTSD and 228,100 (134,000-344,200) cases of severe depression; 50% of PTSD cases were estimated to co-occur with severe depression. Based upon service coverage targets, approximately 154 full-time equivalent staff would be required to respond to these cases sufficiently which is substantially below the current level of resource estimates for these regions.
This is the first attempt to predict the mental health burden and consequent service response needs of such a conflict, and is crucially timed for Libya.
Journal Article