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Freedom Is Not Enough
Led by the Office of Economic Opportunity, Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty reflected the president’s belief that, just as the civil rights movement and federal law tore down legalized segregation, progressive government and grassroots activism could eradicate poverty in the United States. Yet few have attempted to evaluate the relationship between the OEO and the freedom struggles of the 1960s. Focusing on the unique situation presented by Texas, Freedom Is Not Enough examines how the War on Poverty manifested itself in a state marked by racial division and diversity—and by endemic poverty. Though the War on Poverty did not eradicate destitution in the United States, the history of the effort provides a unique window to examine the politics of race and social justice in the 1960s. William S. Clayson traces the rise and fall of postwar liberalism in the Lone Star State against a backdrop of dissent among Chicano militants and black nationalists who rejected Johnson's brand of liberalism. The conservative backlash that followed is another result of the dramatic political shifts revealed in the history of the OEO, completing this study of a unique facet in Texas’s historical identity.
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Bowdrie : stories
\"It was a name that caused the most hardened gunmen to break out in a cold sweat. Chick Bowdrie. He could have ridden the outlaw trail, but the Texas Rangers recruited him because they didn't want to have to fight against him. Pursuing the most wanted men in the Southwest, he knew all too well the dusty trails, the bitter cattle feuds, the desperate killers, and the quiet, weather-beaten, wind-blasted towns that could explode into action with the wrong word. He had sworn to carry out the law, but there were times when he had to apply justice with his fists and his guns. They called in the Rangers to handle the tough ones, and there was never a Ranger tougher or smarter than Bowdrie.\" -- Page [4] cover.
Book
Naturalizing Mexican immigrants : a Texas history
During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a majority of the Mexican immigrant population in the United States resided in Texas, making the state a flashpoint in debates over whether to deny naturalization rights. As Texas federal courts grappled with the issue, policies pertaining to Mexican immigrants came to reflect evolving political ideologies on both sides of the border. Drawing on unprecedented historical analysis of state archives, U.S. Congressional records, and other sources of overlooked data, Naturalizing Mexican Immigrants provides a rich understanding of the realities and rhetoric that have led to present-day immigration controversies. Martha Menchacas groundbreaking research examines such facets as U.S.-Mexico relations following the U.S. Civil War and the schisms created by Mexican abolitionists; the anti-immigration stance that marked many suffragist appeals; the effects of the Spanish American War; distinctions made for mestizo, Afromexicano, and Native American populations; the erosion of means for U.S. citizens to legalize their relatives; and the ways in which U.S. corporations have caused the political conditions that stimulated emigration from Mexico. The first historical study of its kind, Naturalizing Mexican Immigrants delivers a clear-eyed view of provocative issues.
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Teacher leadership for social change in bilingual and bicultural education
\"Bilingual teachers must advocate for their students. Based on the experiences of Spanish-English bilingual teachers in Texas, this book aims to explore, define and understand bilingual teacher leadership. It examines what it means for bilingual teachers to become leaders, the kinds of support they need, and how they experience leadership\" -- Provide by publisher.
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Country of the Cursed and the Driven
In eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Texas-a hotly contested land
where states wielded little to no real power-local alliances and
controversies, face-to-face relationships, and kin ties structured
personal dynamics and cross-communal concerns alike. Country of
the Cursed and the Driven brings readers into this world
through a sweeping analysis of Hispanic, Comanche, and
Anglo-American slaving regimes, illuminating how slaving violence,
in its capacity to bolster and shatter families and entire
communities, became both the foundation and the scourge, the
panacea and the curse, of life in the borderlands. As scholars have
begun to assert more forcefully over the past two decades, slavery
was much more diverse and widespread in North America than
previously recognized, engulfing the lives of Native, European, and
African descended people across the continent, from the Atlantic to
the Pacific and from Canada to Mexico. Paul Barba details the rise
of Texas's slaving regimes, spotlighting the ubiquitous, if uneven
and evolving, influences of colonialism and anti-Blackness. By
weaving together and reframing traditionally disparate historical
narratives, Country of the Cursed and the Driven
challenges the common assumption that slavery was insignificant to
the history of Texas prior to Anglo American colonization, arguing
instead that the slavery imported by Stephen F. Austin and his
colonial followers in the 1820s found a comfortable home in the
slavery-stained borderlands, where for decades Spanish colonists
and their Comanche neighbors had already unleashed waves of slaving
devastation.
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Fighting Their Own Battles
Between 1940 and 1975, Mexican Americans and African Americans in Texas fought a number of battles in court, at the ballot box, in schools, and on the streets to eliminate segregation and state-imposed racism. Although both groups engaged in civil rights struggles as victims of similar forms of racism and discrimination, they were rarely unified. InFighting Their Own Battles, Brian Behnken explores the cultural dissimilarities, geographical distance, class tensions, and organizational differences that all worked to separate Mexican Americans and blacks.Behnken further demonstrates that prejudices on both sides undermined the potential for a united civil rights campaign. Coalition building and cooperative civil rights efforts foundered on the rocks of perceived difference, competition, distrust, and, oftentimes, outright racism. Behnken's in-depth study reveals the major issues of contention for the two groups, their different strategies to win rights, and significant thematic developments within the two civil rights struggles. By comparing the histories of these movements in one of the few states in the nation to witness two civil rights movements, Behnken bridges the fields of Mexican American and African American history, revealing the myriad causes that ultimately led these groups to \"fight their own battles.\"
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Mexican American civil rights in Texas
\"Inspired by a 1968 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights six-day hearing in San Antonio that introduced the Mexican American people to the rest of the nation, this book is an examination of the social change of Mexican Americans of Texas over the past half century with recommendations for the future of immigration, voting rights, educational equity, employment and economic security, health and the criminal justice system\"-- Provided by publisher.
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Cow Boys and Cattle Men
Cowboys are an American legend, but despite ubiquity in history and popular culture, misperceptions abound. Technically, a cowboy worked with cattle, as a ranch hand, while his boss, the cattleman, owned the ranch. Jacqueline M. Moore casts aside romantic and one-dimensional images of cowboys by analyzing the class, gender, and labor histories of ranching in Texas during the second half of the nineteenth century.As working-class men, cowboys showed their masculinity through their skills at work as well as public displays in town. But what cowboys thought was manly behavior did not always match those ideas of the business-minded cattlemen, who largely absorbed middle-class masculine ideals of restraint. Real men, by these standards, had self-mastery over their impulses and didn't fight, drink, gamble or consort with \"unsavory\" women. Moore explores how, in contrast to the mythic image, from the late 1870s on, as the Texas frontier became more settled and the open range disappeared, the real cowboys faced increasing demands from the people around them to rein in the very traits that Americans considered the most masculine.Published in Cooperation with the William P. Clements Center for Southwest Studies, Southern Methodist University.
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