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After the war, the Soviet village in the southern regions of Ukraine was in crisis. The main problem of the peasants was the struggle for survival. This horror is impossible to forget.

Three times in the span of 12 years (1968–1980), the foreign policy of the Canadian government was subjected to review by the Department of External Affairs. Although only the first of these efforts resulted in a white paper formally tabled as such in the House of Commons, subsequent reviews tended to follow the design of the first: a comprehensive examination of all aspects of the country's foreign policy, led and coordinated by senior officials in External Affairs, drawing to varying degrees on expertise from other government departments and the private sector. In all cases, the reviews were intended to produce a document that would guide future policy. They served as useful tools not only for new governments seeking to differentiate their policies from those of their predecessors, but also for those in search of answers to challenges arising in the course of their mandates. This article analyzes the reviews undertaken between 1968 and 1980 and the circumstances that gave rise to them in an effort to account for the popularity of the white paper process among policymakers and to explore the process's influence on policies subsequently pursued.

This article explores historical and present-day exclusionary impulses within the human rights movement. It juxtaposes the widely celebrated expansion of universal human rights in the second half of the twentieth century with ideological and institutional counter-movements that have sought to restrict the scope of human rights. Using the exclusionary experience suffered by LGBT people as sexual minorities, the paper argues that we must pay attention to the exclusionary impulses that continually threaten to undermine the full realization of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights' vision of human rights protection for all, and not just for some.

Canadian University Service Overseas (CUSO), a non-governmental organization with a mandate to send young Canadian volunteers to developing countries, was established in 1961, the same year that President John F. Kennedy launched the Peace Corps. Initially self-identifying and described in the media as \"Canada's Peace Corps,\" CUSO later rejected the label. This article argues that a heady Canadian nationalism, together with CUSO's experiences in countries where its volunteers were serving, accounted for the organization's attempts to distance itself from its much larger US cousin, even as it continued to benefit from that cousin's friendship and resources.

This essay focuses on the short period of cooperation between the private humanitarian non-profit organization Cooperative for American Relief Everywhere, Inc. (CARE) and the new US government volunteer service agency, the Peace Corps, in the early 1960s. It describes CARE's role as a private midwife to this new governmental player and traces the reasons for both the rise and the demise of the initially promising public–private partnership in development aid in Colombia. The essay thus analyzes the conditions that allowed (and ultimately hindered) genuine processes of transfer of expertise between private and governmental players in a field that was just developing.

Taking a transnational approach, this essay explores the dynamic circuits of global racisms, resistance, and imperial politics that obliged Canadian policymakers to secure racist exclusions while simultaneously obscuring them. The case studies examined in this essay—British Columbia's denial of the franchise to First Nations and Chinese, adoption of the Natal Act, and the comprehensive federal exclusions adopted after the 1907 white race riots in Vancouver—illustrate how racist immigration policies, both provincial and federal, had to take into account resistance and international factors as perceived by the British Colonial Office. Taken in conjunction with Indigenous history, the history of transpacific migration to Canada offers important insights into the role of white supremacy in a colonial settler state such as Canada.

The level of public support for the March 2012 military coup d'état in Mali surprised many observers who viewed the country as a viable democracy and believed its inhabitants perceived it in the same light. This article suggests that, despite this favourable appraisal by certain outsiders, many Malians had low levels of confidence in the democracy of President Amadou Toumani Touré, considering it corrupt and dysfunctional. In light of such attitudes in the present, this article turns toward the past to draw lessons from Mali's history of démocratie de façade. It examines Mali's earliest engagement with democracy in the late colonial era, and the manner in which democratic political discourse was abused by Mali's first postcolonial government. It suggests that Malian leaders' long history of invoking democratic principles for non-democratic aims may have weakened the legitimacy of the government following the 2012 coup d'état, and could make the reestablishment of confidence in Mali's democracy a more challenging task than simply organizing new multi-party elections.

This essay looks back on three classic texts depicting Canadian foreign policy during the Vietnam era in pursuit of lessons for policymakers in Ottawa today. It concludes that Canadians should not be so self-critical of their country's inability to exercise influence on complex and difficult global problems. While Canada continues to be able to make a helpful contribution to world affairs, Canada's international engagements should focus less on the often unrealistic desire to enhance the country's image and standing abroad and at home and more on immediate tactical and operational impacts.

In October 2013, Canada and the EU announced the conclusion, in principle, of a comprehensive economic trade agreement (CETA). Canada's prime minister described the agreement as historic, \"the biggest deal our country has ever made,\" and assured Canadians there would be major economic benefits. Not all Canadians share the prime minister's confidence. Concerns about job loss, affordable health care, farm production, and national sovereignty are central to criticism of the agreement. Why has this free trade agreement, and others before it, elicited a polarized reaction, with the champions and opponents of free trade squaring off against one another? Using the history of global trade and Canadian trade policy since 1945 as a guide, this essay examines the motivations, concerns, assumptions, and meanings that animate debates over free trade in Canada. Faith and fear are central to the way people understand and respond to free trade. This essay also explains how domestic and international factors and interests have shaped free trade since 1945, and how it blends economic, political, and geopolitical considerations.

Charles de Gaulle's visit to Quebec in 1967 continues to attract significant scholarly and popular attention. Despite ongoing efforts to broaden our understanding of the evolution of France-Quebec relations during the 1960s, de Gaulle's visit remains the pivotal event of that rapprochement and is believed to confirm the French president's personal support for Quebec's independence, stemming from his efforts to position post-colonial France as the champion of decolonization and self-determination for dependent peoples. This scholarly consensus, however, can be challenged by even a cursory glance at France's policies toward New Caledonia in the 1960s, which reflected a fierce French determination to prevent the loss of its Pacific Ocean territory. Instead of accepting, much less encouraging, New Caledonia's autonomy, the French state in fact re-colonized New Caledonia over the course of the 1960s, a situation that compels us to examine more closely the attitude of de Gaulle and the French state toward \"decolonization\" in Quebec during the same period. The national aspirations that mattered most to France or to de Gaulle were those of France itself.