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The identity and meaning people obtain from their work is a central issue in contemporary sociology. There is a debate between those suggesting that we have witnessed either great rupture or continuity in the way employees engage with their jobs. This article reframes the question posed, developing a critical theoretical framework for understanding narratives of change derived from a range of theorists using concepts of nostalgia, tradition and generations. This framework is then used to read a set of work/life history interviews and autobiographical material from mainly older male workers in the UK railway industry who lament the erosion of their workplace culture and the sustainable moral order of the past. The article seeks to move beyond dismissing such accounts as simple nostalgia and instead suggests that these narratives can be understood as valuable organic critiques of industrial and social change emergent from work culture.

The paper analyses the relations of the Communist authorities with religious communities in Montenegro in the period 1945-1955. The paper separately problematises specific features of each confessional community in Montenegro (orthodox, Muslim, Roman Catholic), and establishes a typology of the expansion of regime control. The Communist Party did not use violent methods in the process of marginalising the religious community, but new authorities in Montenegro managed to marginalise its influence. By taking over the executive authority in the state, the Party began the process of marginalising the religious communities. The process of excluding religious communities from social life started. Their activity was limited to constitutional and legal provisions and later on prohibition of all forms of religious behaviour in public life. Results of the process of secularisation were much better than in other Yugoslav republics. Montenegro had 31.5% of the population atheists, and this was significantly more than the Yugoslavian average, which amounted for 12.5% of the population.

On October 23, 1956, a popular uprising against Soviet rule swept through Hungary like a force of nature, only to be mercilessly crushed by Soviet tanks twelve days later. Only now, fifty years after those harrowing events, can the full story be told. This book is a powerful eyewitness account and a gripping history of the uprising in Hungary that heralded the future liberation of Eastern Europe. Paul Lendvai was a young journalist covering politics in Hungary when the uprising broke out. He knew the government officials and revolutionaries involved. He was on the front lines of the student protests and the bloody street fights and he saw the revolutionary government smashed by the Red Army. In this riveting, deeply personal, and often irreverent book, Lendvai weaves his own experiences with in-depth reportage to unravel the complex chain of events leading up to and including the uprising, its brutal suppression, and its far-reaching political repercussions in Hungary and neighboring Eastern Bloc countries. He draws upon exclusive interviews with Russian and former KGB officials, survivors of the Soviet backlash, and relatives of those executed. He reveals new evidence from closed tribunals and documents kept secret in Soviet and Hungarian archives. Lendvai's breathtaking narrative shows how the uprising, while tragic, delivered a stunning blow to Communism that helped to ultimately bring about its demise. One Day That Shook the Communist Worldis the best account of these unprecedented events.

Between 1981 and 1991, Serbian intellectual and political life were energized by a movement to overcome the legacies of the Tito regime. Tito himself had died in 1980, but his political heirs, insecure and unimaginative, had proclaimed that even though Tito was gone, his image would continue to guide and bind the peoples of Yugoslavia: “After Tito—Tito!” In Belgrade, the anti-Titoist movement began as a struggle for free expression. As Borislav Mihajlović Mihiz, one of the leaders of the Committee for the Protection of Artistic Freedom (founded in 1982), said later, all political freedom flows from the right to free speech. Mihiz's commitment to the defense and nurturing of this right was consistent with values he had expressed throughout his career as a literary critic, playwright, and theater director. Yet the movement that he helped found in 1982 would be transformed after 1986 into something less obviously principled and much more visceral, as the issue of Kosovo's fate came to consume Serbia's intellectual elite. The movement for free speech segued into a movement to reclaim Kosovo for Serbia without missing a beat, thanks to the ability of Serbian intellectuals to frame the Kosovo problem as a product of the suppression of open dialogue in Yugoslavia. Kosovo replaced Gojko Djogo, Jovan Radulović, Dušan Jovanović, and other censored Serbian writers as the emotive fulcrum of the anti-Titoist movement in Serbia. The free speech movement was transformed into a movement of rage at the Tito regime's allegedly systematic injustices towards Serbs. Since the wars of Yugoslav succession began in 1991, commentators have conveniently forgotten that what ended up a violent and irrational movement in the late 1980s began in such a reasonable fashion. Borislav Mihajlović Mihiz was the face of the early free speech movement.

U članku se donosi pregled sadržaja iseljeničkog hemerotečnog arhivskog gradiva iz rukopisne ostavštine hrvatskog povjesničara, publicista i iseljenika Nikole Čolaka, koje se odnosi na istaknutog hrvatskog književnika Miroslava Krležu. Tekstovi u tim novinama i časopisima objavljivanima u inozemstvu, iz vremena pred kraj Krležina života i neposredno po smrti, osvjetljuju stavove pojedinih grupacija i pojedinaca hrvatske političke emigracije iz razdoblja nakon 1945. o Krležinom životu i djelovanju. Posebno su istaknute kritičke zamjerke koje su iseljenici spočitavali Krleži, naglašeno apostrofirane u nekrologu lista Hrvatska istina iz Australije. U nastojanju da se sagledaju i Krležina uvjerenja i mišljenja o tim prijepornim točkama donose se detalji iz publicističkih zapisa nekih od pripadnika njegova bliskog kruga suradnika i prijatelja, bitnih Krležinih eseja, kao i promišljanja književnih teoretičara. Na početku članka ukratko je naznačen i Krležin stav prema ekstremno orijentiranom hrvatskom političkom iseljeništvu.

The Yugoslav model of self-management has been embraced by others without consideration of the functional impact of these policies on Yugoslavia or the background to their implementation. Contradictions to Tito's model appear in Yugoslav society. Worker participation was limited to the factories & not extended to the commune. The rift between the industrial north & the agricultural south widened due to the limits placed on participation. Resolution of conflicts between enterprise & society favored certain groups. The works of S. Stojanovic (BETWEEN IDEALS AND REALITY: A CRITIQUE OF SOCIALISM AND ITS FUTURE, New York, NY: Oxford U Press, 1973), & M. Markovic (FROM AFFLUENCE TO PRAXIS: PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIAL CRITICISM, Ann Arbor, Mich: U of Michigan Press, 1974) present (in English) critical consideration of Yugoslav problems in social organization & worker control. Both writers are part of the Marxist philosophical revisionism movement & are interested in combating the statist myth, reviving Marxism as theory & analytical social science, to imbue it with ethical standards, to reassert the individual as a primary creative force, & to set our guidelines of socialist reform. They propose replacing the professional bureaucracy & technocracy with an integrated system of self-government, while avoiding the conflicts of scale between the local & centralized organization. S. Lupton.