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As the war droned on, my wife's Saigon university finally paid her salary after we threatened a lawsuit, paying her all at once at the end of the school year in so many packets of devalued piasters that we had to carry it away in two suitcases, making our motorcycle trip back to our apartment a bit tricky as we squeezed through the city traffic with our luggage on our little Honda 50. A large part of that money, as well as my own Hue University salary, we would soon give away in the rain one night the next week, in Hue, where it was our exhausting bad luck to be there as it seemed about to fall once again to the regular North Vietnamese Army, which had now routed the Saigon troops north of the city on Easter, 1972. We had come on one last trip to see the Imperial tombs and the old royal city. That day, as we walked the monuments with Vietnamese friends, the aerial and sea bombing started thudding again into the distant mountains, and by evening, as heavy rains fell, the minority tribes who lived in those mountains had to flee their homes and go to the city for shelter. Whole families, whole clans-barefooted men, nursing mothers, toddlers, and bent grandparents-had left their ancestral villages to escape the bombs and were walking into Hue in their single-file style. Moi, the Vietnamese called them, \"savages!' We doubted they'd even be given shelter from the rain. Holding a pistol under my poncho, I stood by as my recently married, twenty-two-year-old wife, just out of college, gave away our money in the drumming downpour, returning several times to take more packets of cash from my satchel and weeping as she told me about one old man who did not even seem to know what she was handing him. For us, it was play money. We were going home.

Using previously classified documents and original interviews,The Other Allianceexamines the channels of cooperation between American and West German student movements throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, and the reactions these relationships provoked from the U.S. government. Revising the standard narratives of American and West German social mobilization, Martin Klimke demonstrates the strong transnational connections between New Left groups on both sides of the Atlantic. Klimke shows that the cold war partnership of the American and German governments was mirrored by a coalition of rebelling counterelites, whose common political origins and opposition to the Vietnam War played a vital role in generating dissent in the United States and Europe. American protest techniques such as the \"sit-in\" or \"teach-in\" became crucial components of the main organization driving student activism in West Germany--the German Socialist Student League--and motivated American and German student activists to construct networks against global imperialism. Klimke traces the impact that Black Power and Germany's unresolved National Socialist past had on the German student movement; he investigates how U.S. government agencies, such as the State Department's Interagency Youth Committee, advised American policymakers on confrontations with student unrest abroad; and he highlights the challenges student protesters posed to cold war alliances. Exploring the catalysts of cross-pollination between student protest movements on two continents,The Other Allianceis a pioneering work of transnational history.

A.k.a. Don Bonus is a 1995 autobiographical documentary that has garnered critical acclaim for its candid representation of the lives of Cambodian American youth in San Francisco, California. This essay situates the film at the intersection of post-1976 Southeast Asian migrations to the US, the rising influence of neoliberalism on domestic welfare policy, and the transformation of juvenile delinquency into a state technology of social abandonment. Produced through a community-based program for at-risk youth, a.k.a. Don Bonus, a collaboration between Sokly Ny, a Cambodian American refugee teen, and Spencer Nakasako, an Asian American filmmaker and community activist, participates in neoliberal techniques of youth empowerment. However, the film also critiques the humanitarian guise of liberal citizenship that, at once, purports to incorporate refugee subjects produced from US imperialism and subversively abandons these subjects through welfare reform and incarceration. This essay argues that the contradictions of liberal humanitarianism are underscored through the collateral narratives of Ny and his brothers who bear the brunt of liberal cultural values that privilege individuals who subscribe to the values of liberal individualism (in this case, Ny’s older brother, Chandara) but at the expense of those who require more familial support (suggested by the juvenile delinquency of Ny’s younger brother, Touch, and Ny’s loneliness). Ultimately, the film’s collateral narratives not only disrupt readings of Southeast Asian refugee subjectively as solely an effect of US humanitarianism but also raise questions about the coherency of reading Cambodian American refugee subjectivity through a framework of liberal individualism.

The Port Huron Statement was the most important manifesto of the New Left student movement of the 1960s. Initially drafted by Tom Hayden and debated over the course of three days in 1962 at a meeting of student leaders, the statement was issued by Students for a Democratic Society as their founding document. Its key idea, \"participatory democracy,\" proved a watchword for Sixties radicalism that has also reemerged in popular protests from the Arab Spring to Occupy Wall Street. Featuring essays by some of the original contributors as well as prominent scholars who were influenced by the manifesto,The Port Huron Statementprobes the origins, content, and contemporary influence of the document that heralded the emergence of a vibrant New Left in American culture and politics. Opening with an essay by Tom Hayden that provides a sweeping reflection on the document's enduring significance, the volume explores the diverse intellectual and cultural roots of the Statement, the uneasy dynamics between liberals and radicals that led to and followed this convergence, the ways participatory democracy was defined and deployed in the 1960s, and the continuing resonances this idea has for political movements today. An appendix includes the complete text of the original document. The Port Huron Statementoffers a vivid portrait of a unique moment in the history of radicalism, showing that the ideas that inspired a generation of young radicals more than half a century ago are just as important and provocative today. Contributors:Robert Cohen, Richard Flacks, Jennifer Frost, Daniel Geary, Barbara Haber, Grace Elizabeth Hale, Tom Hayden, Michael Kazin, Nelson Lichtenstein, Jane Mansbridge, Lisa McGirr, James Miller, Robert J. S. Ross, Michael Vester, Erik Olin Wright.

The life and legacy of Irving Howe are significant not only because they represent the intellectual biography of a leading American literary-political figure of the twentieth-centuty, nor merely illuminate the historical period in which he wrote. Rather, they also bear relevance to the state of America in our own time, one in which our ideological polarization has reached extremes. This essay discusses the pertinence of Howe’s achievement for the present-day political situation, especially for the possibility that his work could contribute toward the revival of Left-liberalism in America. Just as Howe's political innocence was tested and matured into more nuanced understanding and deepened ambivalence, so might his mature work and example inspire a new generation of liberals to move beyond idealism and find a sober mix that balances principle and pragmatism.

[Tom Hayden] embodied the fight for justice on all fronts, living up to his principles and values in a way that now serves as a model for everyone engaged in the fight for a better America and a better world.

AUTHOR, COMMUNITY organizer, peace activist and scholar Tom Hayden spoke before a rapt audience at the Progressive Coalition of Central Iowa (PCCI)'s annual Fund-raiser for Progress at Drake University in Des Moines on Oct. 13.

In 1962, representatives of the new Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) came together in Michigan to articulate a goal of creating a “New Left” in American polity. Protesting the ways in the which they saw their society as out of control—and specifically referencing the Cold War, the arms race, poverty, and racial discrimination—the homogeneous group of white college students and recent graduates helped set the mood for the decade by explaining why many students felt disaffected. Drafted at a backwoods United Auto Workers camp on the shores of Lake Huron, the SDS's Port Huron Statement was written primarily by field secretary Tom Hayden, a student editor at the University of Michigan. Many SDS leaders cut their political teeth in the struggle for black equality.

The film, \"Chicago 10,\" combines archival footage of the late 1960s with an animated reconstruction of the trial, in which Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Tom Hayden and five other demonstrators were tried for conspiracy to incite a riot in the U.S. District Courthouse in Chicago. The title refers to the Chicago Seven -- prominent anti-war demonstrators -- the two attorneys who represented them, and anti-war demonstrator Bobby Seale, who eventually was tried separately. \"Back then the government feared protesters and feared dissent,\" said [Laurene Heybach], now a Chicago lawyer. \"They took very seriously the efforts to end the war. \"For me, these buildings aren't just buildings. They're places where somebody was pushed through a plate-glass window,\" he said. \"These parks are not just nice places to relax in. They're places that were heavily gassed and where emergency shelters were put up for bloody protest victims.

In 2013, the Ballona Wetlands is under threat of development again. This is a short film dealing with the high profile preservation and development controversy in Southern California. This spirited film includes highlights from earlier versions as well as well as dramatic new footage covering the excavation of native American remains and artifacts at the development site.