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Children use syntax to guide verb learning. We asked whether the syntactic structure in which a novel verb occurs is meaningful to children even without a concurrent scene from which to infer the verb's semantic content. In two experiments, 2-year-olds observed dialogues in which interlocutors used a new verb in transitive (\"lane bticked the baby!\") or intransitive (\"lane blicked!\") sentences. The children later heard the verb in holation (\"Find blicking!\") while watching a one-participant event and a two-participant event presented side by side. Children who had heard transitive dialogues looked reliably longer at the two-participant event than did those who had heard intransitive diahgues. This effect persisted even when children were tested on a different day 9 but disappeared when no novel verb accompanied the test events (Experiment 2). Thus, 2-year-olds gather useful combinatorial information about a novel verb simply from hearing it in sentences, and later retrieve that information to guide interpretation of the verb.

Two-year-olds use the sentence structures verbs appear in—subcategorization frames—to guide verb learning. This is syntactic bootstrapping. This study probed the developmental origins of this ability. The structure-mapping account proposes that children begin with a bias toward one-to-one mapping between nouns in sentences and participant roles in events. This account predicts that subcategorization frames should guide very early verb learning, if the number of nouns in the sentences is informative. In 3 experiments, one hundred and thirty-six 21- and 19-month-olds assigned appropriately different interpretations to novel verbs in transitive (\"He's gorping him!\") versus intransitive sentences (\"He's gorping!\") differing in their number of nouns. Thus, subcategorization frames guide verb interpretation in very young children. These findings constrain theoretical proposals about mechanisms for syntactic bootstrapping.

The many-property problem has traditionally been taken to show that the adverbial theory of perception is untenable. This paper first shows that several widely accepted views concerning the nature of perception—including both representational and non-representational views—likewise face the many-property problem. It then presents a solution to the many-property problem for these views, but goes on to shows how this solution can be adapted to provide a novel, fully compositional solution to the manyproperty problem for adverbialism. Thus, with respect to the many-property problem, adverbialism and several widely accepted views in the philosophy of perception are on a par, and the problem is solved.

Children quickly acquire basic grammatical facts about their native language. Does this early syntactic knowledge involve knowledge of words or rules? According to lexical accounts of acquisition, abstract syntactic and semantic categories are not primitive to the language-acquisition system; thus, early language comprehension and production are based on verb-specific knowledge. The present experiments challenge this account: We probed the abstractness of young children's knowledge of syntax by testing whether 25- and 21-month-olds extend their knowledge of English word order to new verbs. In four experiments, children used word order appropriately to interpret transitive sentences containing novel verbs. These findings demonstrate that although toddlers have much to learn about their native languages, they represent language experience in terms of an abstract mental vocabulary. These abstract representations allow children to rapidly detect general patterns in their native language, and thus to learn rules as well as words from the start.

Focusing on the Shipibo language, I defend a simple \"dependent case\" theory of ergative case marking, where ergative case is assigned to the higher of two NPs in a clausal domain. I show how apparent failures of this rule can be explained assuming that VP is a Spell-Out domain distinct from the clause, and that this bleeds ergative case assignment for c-command relationships that already exist in VP and are unchanged in CP. This accounts for the apparent underapplication of ergative case marking with ditransitives, reciprocals, and dyadic experiencer verbs, as opposed to the applicatives of unaccusative verbs, which do have ergative subjects. Finally, I show how case assignment interacts with restructuring to explain constructions in which ergative case appears to be optional.

Two comprehension experiments were conducted to investigate whether German children are able to use the grammatical cues of word order and word endings (case markers) to identify agents and patients in a causative sentence and whether they weigh these two cues differently across development. Two-year-olds correctly understood only sentences with both cues supporting each other—the prototypical form. Five-year-olds were able to use word order by itself but not case markers. Only 7-year-olds behaved like adults by relying on case markers over word order when the two cues conflicted. These findings suggest that prototypical instances of linguistic constructions with redundant grammatical marking play a special role in early acquisition, and only later do children isolate and weigh individual grammatical cues appropriately.

We propose, and provide corpus-based support for, a usage-based explanation for cross-linguistic trends in the coding of causal–noncausal verb pairs, such as raise/rise, break (tr.)/break (intr.). While English mostly uses the same verb form both for the causal and the noncausal sense (labile coding), most languages have extra coding for the causal verb (causative coding) and/or for the noncausal verb (anticausative coding). Causative and anticausative coding is not randomly distributed (Haspelmath 1993): Some verb meanings, such as 'freeze', 'dry' and 'melt', tend to be coded as causatives, while others, such as 'break', 'open' and 'split', tend to be coded as anticausatives. We propose an explanation of these coding tendencies on the basis of the form–frequency correspondence principle, which is a general efficiency principle that is responsible for many grammatical asymmetries, ultimately grounded in predictability of frequently expressed meanings. In corpus data from seven languages, we find that verb pairs for which the noncausal member is more frequent tend to be coded as anticausatives, while verb pairs for which the causal member is more frequent tend to be coded as causatives. Our approach implies that linguists should not rely on form–meaning parallelism when trying to explain cross-linguistic or language-particular patterns in this domain.

While transitive clauses with a subject and object have long been a fundamental focus of grammatical analyses across languages of the world, more recently, it has become apparent that naturally occurring language-in-use is in fact overwhelmingly intransitive and transitive clauses with two arguments have a relatively low frequency. In this study, I examine conversational Indonesian and focus on one construction type, a transitive predicate with two explicit core arguments. This grammatical configuration is considered atypical due to its very low frequency in conversational interaction. The goal of the study is to begin to understand when and why expressions of this type appear. It is found that these atypical configurations regularly occur at points where there is a change in footing, including changes in topic, participation framework, or referentiality. It is further shown that the contrast between explicit and unexpressed arguments in Indonesian conversational grammar contributes to the reasons why predicates elaborated with two arguments tend to appear when there is a change in footing.

(Bale 2007) argues, on the basis of the differential availability of subjectless repetitive presuppositions with again with certain verb classes, that the agent argument of eventive transitive verbs is introduced VP-externally (Kratzer 1996), but that the agent argument of intranstive and stative transitive verbs must be taken as a true argument by the verb. We challenge Bale’s claim from two directions. First, we observe that two classes of eventive transitive verbs, resist subjectless presuppositions with again. Second, we show that the unavailability of subjectless presuppositions with these and other verb classes is not an ironclad argument against severing agents from their verbs generally, and, develop a semantic analysis, inspired by an analysis of stative transitive verbs due to Hale & Keyser (2002), on which the relevant classes of verbs inherently make reference to the agent of their event argument in the form of an anaphoric index. This index is subsequently bound by a functional head that introduces the agent argument. The facts and analysis proposed here have wider theoretical implications for the way agents qua external arguments are introduced in general, suggesting that verbs of certain classes and VP-external functional heads may both play crucial roles in the syntactic introduction of the agent argument and its interaction with sublexical modifiers like again.

In Chinese, intransitive verbs can take direct objects in certain constructions, and transitive verbs can also be used without objects. These characteristics have long sparked debates about whether verbs can be divided into intransitive and transitive verbs in Chinese. Using E-Prime software (3.0 version) and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) technology, we investigated the behavioral responses and neural activities of native speakers when processing Chinese intransitive and transitive verbs. Behavioral data showed that the accuracy rate for Chinese intransitive verbs was significantly higher than that for transitive verbs, while the reaction time was significantly shorter. fMRI data revealed that compared with Chinese intransitive verbs, transitive verbs elicited significantly stronger activation in brain regions such as the bilateral angular gyri (BA39), left supramarginal gyrus (BA40), and left inferior frontal gyrus (BA44). The bilateral angular gyri and left supramarginal gyrus may be associated with more intricate argument semantic representation of the Chinese transitive verb, while the left inferior frontal gyrus may reflect their more complex syntactic structure representation. The above experimental results indicate that processing Chinese transitive verbs requires greater cognitive effort and involves more complex neural activities compared to intransitive verbs, which demonstrates that verbs in Chinese should be subdivided into intransitive and transitive verbs.